- 3 Anggota Polis Yang Didakwa Merogol Bakal Didakwa
- Fabrication of evidences by Thein Sein’s central government and Rakhine State government should be stopped by UN Investigators
- Di Negeri PM Sendiri (Pahang) Tak Cukup Bekalan Air, Nak Bekal Air Ke Selangor?
- National University of Singapore on sex blogger Alvin
- Late Night Humour :-)
- PKNS Serang Balas Zaini Hassan & Utusan Malaysia
- Funny Love Letter
- Vegetative Patient Not In Pain
- Racist unjust Daw Aung San Suu Kyi ignorantly lying without any moral values
- Tangisan Bayi Bongkar Kisah Remaja Tkn 4 Bersalin
- Azan Dalam Church Kat US..
- Witty One-Liners for Tuesday Afternoon
- '诗巫' 我的故乡@'Sibu' My Home Town: 【有正义人民代议士】民都鲁区国会议员兼国会后座议员拿督斯里张庆信太平局绅真对诗巫【网咖】跑马机泛滥引...
- Reuters’ Special Report – Witnesses tell of organized killings of Myanmar Muslims
- [Edisi Terdesak] Najib Perdaya Artis Untuk Tarik Sokongan Melalui YA1M
- Tak Kenal Maka Tak Cinta
- Cool Oxymorons
- Son Dambi – Dripping Tears MV & pics
- Selangor Beri Tempoh 14 Hari Tanggalkan Kamera AES
Posted: 13 Nov 2012 09:02 AM PST
Tiga anggota polis yang dikatakan merogol seorang warga Indonesia berkemungkinan akan didakwa.
Pihak polis juga telah menyerahkan kertas sisasatan kepada Jabatan Peguam Negara untuk arahan seterusnya.
, Ketua Polis Pulau Pinang Datuk Abdul Rahim Hanafi ketika sidang media berkata tiga suspek berkenaan akan akan didakwa di mahkamah atas tuduhan rogol sebaik sahaja pihak polis menerima keputusan akhir daripada Peguam Negara.
"Tiga saspek telah ditahan kerja setelah direman bermula 16 November untuk siasatan lanjutan.
" Ketiga-tiga saspek telah ditahan kerja untuk siasatan lanjutan dalam kes ini dan akan hanya menerima gaji setengah bulan.
Pasukan polis telah membentuk pasukan khas untuk melancarkan siasatan terhadap kes ini, katanya. Sebanyak 10 kenyataan telah dirakamkan dan mangsa berusia 25 tahun itu telah diletakkan di bawah jagaan konsulat Indonesia.
Abdul Rahim turut berkata anggota polis tersebut adalah anggota berpangkat rendah, dan berjanji akan menjalankan siasatan tanpa sebarang kompromi.
"Kami harap orang ramai tidak mensasikan isu ini dan biarkan kami menjalankan siasatan terhadap kes ini," katanya lagi.
Beliau turut menasihati orang ramai supaya tidak keterlaluan kerana ia akan menjejaskan hubungan negara antara Malaysia dan Indonesia.
Konsulat sementara Indonesia, Sofiana Mufidah, yang turut hadir semasa sidang media berkenaan berkata mereka percaya polis Malaysia akan melakukan tindakan yang tepat untuk menyelesaikan kes ini.
"Saya turut menyeru rakyat Indonesia di Pulau Pinang, Malaysia dan di Indonesia untuk bertenang," katanya.
Menurutnya, ramai yang kecewa kerana ia berlaku kepada rakyat Indonesia, namun mengharapkan mereka memberikan kuasa undang-undang negara ini untuk menghukum mereka yang bertanggungjawab.
Jumaat lalu, seorang rakyat Indonesia berumur 25 tahun meminta bantuan Koordinator Barisan Nasional (BN) Bukit Mertajam Lau Chiek Tuan untuk membuat laporan polis berikutan didakwa dirogol bergilir-gilir oleh tiga anggota polis di Balai Polis Prai.
Pekerja restoran tersebut mendakwa dia di bawa ke balai polis selepas ditahan anggota berkenaan di Megamall Pulau Pinang sekitar jam 6.30 pagi ketika menunggu teksi.
Wanita itu turut mendakwa dia tetap di bawa ke balai polis walaupun setelah menunjukkan salinan passport dan didakwa dirogol di sebuah bilik di balai polis berkenaan.
Menurut Abdul Rahim mereka menerima laporan polis pada jam 3.06 petang hari yang sama dan ketiga-tiga suspek ditahan jam 5.45 petang. Suspek kemudiannya di bawa ke Mahkamah Majistret pada Sabtu dan mahkamah mengeluarkan tahanan reman selama seminggu. -TMI
klik untuk baca
Posted: 13 Nov 2012 06:06 AM PST
Rakhine Government, Central Union Government and Myanmar Military Generals are scared of charging at the International Criminal Court as there are legitimate accusations from the International NGOs, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, UN, UNHCR, OIC and Myanmar Muslims.
Following three cases have indicated that Myanmar authorities have already started the fabricating process.
United Nations must stop these fabricating of evidences by Myanmar authorities by sending UN Investigators. All the Investigations should be done by UN Investigators as even the Presidential Rakhine Commission is tainted by the inclusion of the suspected Rakhine leaders who are responsible to the Mass Murders. Continuous retention of those blood-stained leaders and expulsion of two vocal and active Muslim leaders have tarnished the reputation and credibility of the commission. OIC and Human Rights NGOs should push ICC to send UN Human Rights Investigators.
Posted: 13 Nov 2012 07:30 AM PST
42 hari tanpa bekalan air
Temerloh - Seramai 250 penduduk Kampung Teris, dekat sini, mengalami masalah terputus bekalan air selama 42 hari.
Penduduk, Zulkifli Mahmud, 48, berkata, masalah tersebut sudah dilaporkan kepada pihak berkenaan namun hingga kini masalah paip pecah itu masih belum dibaiki.
Menurutnya, penduduk terutama yang tinggal di kawasan tinggi tidak mendapat bekalan air dan itu menimbulkan masalah kepada penduduk untuk mencuci pinggan mangkuk, membasuh pakaian, mandi, solat dan sebagainya.
"Air sungai pula jauh terletak kira-kira lima kilometer dan kami tidak akan mengambil air sungai itu kerana ia tercemar dengan aktiviti pertanian.
"Untuk mendapatkan bekalan air bersih kami beramai-ramai terpaksa berkongsi mengambil air di tiga perigi milik penduduk kampung ini. Itulah air yang selamat untuk kami gunakan," katanya kepada Sinar Harian.
Seorang lagi penduduk, Mohd Syuhadi Shamsuddin, 28, berkata, air di kawasan paip pecah itu terbiar begitu sahaja mengalir masuk ke dalam paya berdekatan tanpa dibaiki dan ia sangat membazir serta merugikan kerana penduduk tidak dapat menggunakan air bersih itu.
Menurutnya, apa yang lebih menimbulkan kemarahan penduduk apabila bil air mereka turut melambung kerana terpaksa menanggung kos air yang tidak digunakan mereka.
"Kampung ini kerap mengalami masalah paip pecah. Sebelum ini terdapat dua paip pecah dan pihak berkenaan membaiki salah satunya. Namun, paip di kawasan ini tidak dibaiki menyebabkan penduduk tidak dapat bekalan air yang sempurna," katanya.
Pengerusi Jawatankuasa Kemajuan dan Keselamatan Kampung (JKKK), Mohd Hashim Mahusin berkata, pihaknya sudah melaporkan masalah itu kepada pihak berkenaan.
Bagaimanapun katanya, pihak berkenaan memberitahu mereka tidak dapat melepaskan air dalam tekanan yang kuat kerana akan berlaku banyak paip pecah.
"Kalau itu masalahnya sampai bila penduduk di sini akan terus mengalami masalah terputus bekalan air.
Saya juga sudah pergi ke pejabat Pengurusan Air Pahang Berhad (Paip) Temerloh untuk melaporkan masalah itu.
"Kami di sini bukan membayar bil air tetapi bil angin. Ini kerana angin lebih banyak daripada air dan ia membebankan penduduk," katanya.
Posted: 13 Nov 2012 06:00 AM PST
Singapore university terminates sex blogger's scholarship
November 13, 2012
KUALA LUMPUR, Nov 13 ― The National University of Singapore (NUS) has terminated the scholarship of sex blogger Alvin Tan, the republic's Straits Times newspaper reported today.
But the Malaysian student was not expelled from NUS.
Instead, he will have to pay full, unsubsidised fees as a foreign student if he wants to complete his final year of law school.
The newspaper said that the punishment meted out to the 24-year-old had been a subject of much speculation since NUS announced last week that it would not be revealing the details of the penalty because disciplinary proceedings were private.
Yesterday, Singapore Education Minister Heng Swee Keat described the behaviour of Tan, who is a scholarship student in the republic, as "reprehensible and unbecoming of a scholar".
Heng was responding in Singapore's Parliament to MPs who demanded to know what punishment had been meted out by the National University of Singapore (NUS) to Tan.
Alvin was not expelled from NUS.
NUS had drawn public ire for its refusal to disclose how it is punishing the sex-blogging Malaysian scholar whom it found guilty of damaging its reputation.
Tan, the 24-year-old Asean scholar studying law at NUS, is at the centre of a controversy after he and his girlfriend posted in a joint blog photographs and videos of themselves having sex. He had been hauled up for disciplinary action last month.
Tan, a final-year law student, had apologised to NUS for "bringing disrepute" to the school but has insisted that what he did was done in his "own personal time as a private individual and not an NUS student".
He also maintained that his action was a "victimless crime" and did not harm anyone.
The NUS student had said explicit photos and videos of himself and his girlfriend, Vivian Lee, going viral were "exciting", according to Yahoo! Singapore.
On the site "Sumptuous Erotica", Tan and Lee said they loved posting details of their sex life on the web "for everyone to enjoy" and that they uploaded only self-made content.
The blog has since been taken down.
Tan went to Singapore under an ASEAN scholarship in 2004 and attended Xinmin Secondary School and Raffles Junior College before he went to NUS.
He is based in Kuala Lumpur, where he has an online business. His mother helps to run a family business, while his father works in sales.
The couple also faces the possibility of criminal prosecution and jail time if convicted for exhibiting obscene material after they posted photographs and videos of themselves having sex on their blog.
Malaysian Police Commercial Crimes chief Datuk Syed Ismail Syed Azizan said recently that the authorities were considering taking action against the duo for violation of obscenity laws.
Under Section 292 of the Penal Code, the couple could be prosecuted for exhibiting obscene material.
The punishment under the law is imprisonment for a term of up to three years or a fine
Posted: 13 Nov 2012 06:00 AM PST
Q. What did the banana say to the vibrator?
A. Why are you shaking she's going to eat me.
Q. Why do men die before their wives?
A. They want to.
Q. Why haven't they sent a woman to the moon yet?
A. It doesn't need cleaning.
Q. Three words to ruin a man's ego...
A. "Is it in?"
Q. Who's the world's greatest athlete?
A. The guy who finishes first and third in a mas***bation contest.
A recently widowed lady, was sitting on a beach towel at Cocoa Beach, Florida. She looked up and noticed that a man her age had walked up, placed his blanket on the sand nearby and began reading a book.
Smiling, she attempted to strike up a conversation with him. "Hello, sir, how are you?"
"Fine, thank you," he responded, and turned back to his book.
"I love the beach. Do you come here often?" she asked.
"First time since my wife passed away last year," he replied, and again turned back to his book.
"Do you live around here?" she asked.
"Yes, I live over in Suntree," he answered, and then resumed reading.
Trying to find a topic of common interest, Sarah persisted. "Do you like pussycats?"
With that, the man threw his book down, jumped off his blanket onto hers, tore off both their swimsuits and gave her the most passionate ride of her life!
As the cloud of sand began to settle, Sarah gasped and asked the man, "How did you know that was what I wanted?"
The man replied, "How did you know my name was Katz?"
A man goes to a restaurant and orders a chicken dish. By the time the food is ready and he is about to eat, the waiter comes back and says, "Sir, I'm afraid there has been a mistake. You see, that police officer who is sitting at the next table is a regular customer of ours and he usually orders the same dish. The problem is, this is the last chicken in the house. I'm afraid I'll have to take this dish to him and arrange for another dish for you!"
The guy gets really upset and refuses to give up his food. The waiter walks over to the other table and explains the situation to the officer. A few minutes later the officer walks over to the man's table and says, "Listen and listen good. That is MY chicken you are about to eat and I'll warn you, whatever you do to that chicken I'll do the same to you. You pull out one of its legs, I'll pull out one of yours. You break one of its wings, I'll break one of your arms!"
The man calmly looks at the chicken, then sticks his middle finger in the bird's rectum, pulls it out and licks it. He then gets up, drops his pants, bends over and says, "Go ahead!"
Why Some Like Cucumbers
1. The average cucumber is at least 6 inches long.
2. Cucumbers stay hard for a week.
3. Cucumbers won't tell you size doesn't count.
4. Cucumbers don't get too excited.
5. Cucumbers never suffer from performance anxiety.
6. Cucumbers are easy to pick up.
7. You can fondle a cucumber in a supermarket.... and you know how firm it is before you take it home.
8. Cucumbers can get away any weekend.
9. With a cucumber you can get a single room.... and you won't have to check-in as Mrs. Cucumber.
10. A cucumber will always respect you in the morning.
*Hey, it's Friday and time to let our hair down :-)
*Posted this list for the sake of humour with no intention to offend anyone!
Posted: 13 Nov 2012 04:01 AM PST
Timbalan Ketua Pengarang Utusan Malaysia, Zaini Hassan nyata tertekan akibat fitnah yang dimainkan beliau sendiri menerusi lidah propaganda UMNO, Utusan Malaysia.
Fitnah demi fitnah yang ditaburkan menerusi pemesongan fakta bagi mempengaruhi kaum Melayu untuk berprasangka buruk terhadap Pakatan Rakyat dengan menggunakan agensi Kerajaan Negeri, PKNS, sebagai punching bag.
Sebagai sebuah agensi Kerajaan Negeri, PKNS, telah dipertanggungjawabkan untuk mengangkat martabat Melayu dan Bumiputra khususnya di Negeri Selangor.
Dalam masa empat tahun pemerintahan Pakatan Rakyat, PKNS telah berjaya menempatkan diri sebagai Perbadanan Kemajuan Ekonomi Negeri (PKEN) terbaik di dalam negara berbanding dengan negeri-negeri lain dan dianugerahkan "Best SEDC" pada tahun 2011.
Ini dibuktikan dengan kemampuan PKNS untuk membayar zakat dan cukai kepada Lembaga Zakat, Kerajaan Negeri dan Pusat berjumlah hampir RM300 juta dalam masa tidak sampai empat tahun.
Namun begitu, Zaini Hassan dan Utusan Malaysia menutup mata dan telinga dan tidak memperakui pencapaian PKNS hasil daripada titik peluh dan keringat warga kerja PKNS yang 99% terdiri daripada orang Melayu.
PKNS telah mencatatkan keruntungan demi keuntungan hasil dari operasi yang bersandarkan tahap ketelusan dan akauntabliti yang tinggi dengan diperakui sendiri oleh Suruhanjaya Pencegah Rasuah Malaysia (SPRM) dan Transparency International.
Keuntungan sebanyak RM420 juta yang dicatat oleh PKNS pada tahun 2011 telah membolehkan PKNS untuk terus menerus melaksanakan tanggungjawab mereka dengan pembinaan rumah-rumah mampu milik bagi nikmat rakyat Negeri Selangor, amnya dan masyarakat Melayu dan Bumiputra, khasnya.
Di samping itu, warga kerja PKNS turut mendapat habuan bonus sebanyak 7 bulan pada tahun 2011, sesuatu yang hanya dapat dicapai oleh syarikat-syarikat swasta, GLC dan Multi National Company. Keuntungan PKNS dikongsi dengan warga kerja yang juga kaum Melayu dan Bumiputra.
Zaini dan Utusan tidak mahu orang awam untuk diberitahu mengenai projek-projek rakyat seperti pembinaan 12,000 unit rumah-rumah mampu milik di seluruh Negeri Selangor daripada 2008 sehingga 2020.
Zaini dan Utusan juga mahu menidakkan kebijaksanaan rakyat dengan memadamkan fakta bahawa 80% daripada pembeli rumah-rumah PKNS adalah terdiri dari kalangan orang Melayu.
Tidak cukup dengan perasaan hasad dengki, Zaini dan Utusan terus menerus memfitnah bahawa kononnya PKNS menyelamatkan hutang tokeh Cina tuanpunya Kumpulan Talam yang juga kroni UMNO sedangkan hakikat sebenarnya, PKNS tidak menggunakan satu sen pun daripada tabung dana PKNS bagi urusniaga Kerajaan Negeri untuk mengutip hutang bernilai RM392 juta daripada Kumpulan Talam.
Malah, PKNS mendapat yuran perkhidmatan sebanyak RM70,000 kerana bertindak sebagai Special Purpose Vehicle bagi Kerajaan Negeri mengutip hutang daripada Talam.
UMNO terus memutar belitkan fakta bagi mengaburi kejayaan Kerajaan Negeri Selangor mengutip kembali hutang berjumlah RM392 juta tersebut daripada Talam bagi manfaat rakyat Negeri Selangor.
Perkakas-perkakas UMNO menggunakan NGO-NGO yang tidak bermaruah seperti Sohaimi Shahadan menerusi GPRS, Azwanddin Hamzah menerusi JMM dan Hamidzun Khairuddin menerusi GAPS untuk menghasut rakyat bagi melakukan demo terhadap PKNS saban hari.
Azwanddin dan Hamidzun bertindak sebagai front-men Ezam Mohd Noor yang bercita-cita untuk menjadi Menteri Besar Selangor dengan cuba membuktikan kepada Najib Razak bahawa tindakan mereka itu akan membolehkan UMNO kembali menguasai tampuk kepimpinan Negeri Selangor.
Tindakan mereka ini telah dilambung tinggi oleh Zaini dan Utusan yang kini terperangkap dengan fitnah rekaan mereka sendiri.
Tidak cukup dengan permainan politik jijik mereka, Zaini dan Utusan menambah lagi dosa fitnah mereka dengan mendakwa kononnya PKNS akan menjual aset-aset komersil mereka sedangkan PKNS hanya memindah milik aset-aset tersebut kepada anak syarikat milik penuh PKNS sendiri.
Terdesaknya Zaini dan Utusan untuk mencalarkan Pakatan Rakyat, mereka sanggup mempergunakan nama Istana dan mengheret Sultan Selangor bagi memajukan politik perkauman sempit mereka.
Apa yang telah mereka capai adalah untuk menabur pasir ke atas periuk nasi lebih 1,500 orang warga kerja sebuah institusi yang telah berjaya mengangkat martabat kaum Melayu dan Bumiputra serta seluruh rakyat Negeri Selangor.
Akibat daripada keceluparan Zaini dan Utusan, PKNS tidak mempunyai pilihan lain selain daripada mengambil tindakan undang-undang terhadap mereka yang memfitnah dan mencemarkan imej serta kredibiliti PKNS.
Jadi siapakah pejuang Melayu sebenarnya?
Penulis upahan seperti Zaini Hassan dengan alat propanda UMNO, Utusan Malaysia atau politikus upahan seperti Sohaimi, Azwanddin, Hamidzun dan Ezam ATAU sebuah institusi yang telah berjuang sepanjang 48 tahun untuk mengangkat kedudukan Melayu dan Bumiputra menerusi program-program pembangunan usahawan dan pembinaan rumah-rumah mampu milik untuk rakyat?
Siapa pula yang cuba untuk mencalarkan, menekan dan memfitnah institusi yang memperjuangkan agenda Melayu dan Bumiputra?
Jawapannya amat jelas, terang dan nyata.
Semoga Allah S.W.T. melindungi rakyat Negeri Selangor, kaum Melayu dan Bumiputra daripada dipengaruhi oleh fitnah-fitnah yang berleluasa akibat puak-puak desperado oportunis politik yang tidak bermaruah ini. –KLd
Posted: 13 Nov 2012 03:00 AM PST
May you live as long as you want to;
May you want to as long as you live.
If I'm asleep when you want to, wake me;
If I'm awake and don't want to, make me.
Here's to you, I'm glad that I metcha,
And now that I met you, I'm glad that I letcha,
And now that I letcha, I betcha I'd letcha again.
Here's to the drink that creates fire,
Here's to the drink that creates desire.
Not the kind that burns down shanties,
But the kind that burns down panties.
Here's to the qirl in the little red shoes,
She drinks my liquor, she drinks my booze.
She has no cherry but that's no sin,
She has the box the cherry came in.
Here's to the girl dressed in black,
She's dressed so fine, there's nothing to slack.
She feels so fine and kisses so sweet,
She makes things stand, that have no feet.
Here's to an hour of sweet repose,
Turn to tummy and toes to toes,
Then after an hour of such delight,
It's fanny to fanny for the rest of the night.
Now that I'm old and feeble,
And pilot light is out;
What used to be my sex appeal is now my waterspout.
I used to be embarrassed to make the thing behave,
For every single morning it would stand and watch me shave.
But now I'm getting old and it gives me the blues,
To have the thing hang down and watch me tie my shoes.
God made little boys, made them out of string,
He had a little left, made a little thing.
God made little girls, made them out of lace,
He ran a little short, and left a little space.
Thank You God.
Posted: 13 Nov 2012 02:37 AM PST
Posted: 13 Nov 2012 01:17 AM PST
WHAT for years you are telling? You R in jail or under house arrest…DAW SUU is bluffing! Shame on you LIER DAW SUU without MORAL VALUES, according to your admission. She said shamelessly>"For years I have been insisting, and the National League for Democracy also, that we have to do something about the porous border with Bangladesh because it is going to lead some day or the other to grave problems."
Carlos Sardiña Galache said> She says she doesn't take sides, but parroting this bullshit about "illegal immigration" from Bangladesh she is implicitly giving her assent to the underlying justification of the ethnic cleansing. This seems to be something beyond "political calculation" to get votes in 2015 (and her party doesn't have many chances in Rakhine State, anyway), this looks more like conviction.
Curious confession: "There's no need to forsake principles for compromise, especially in my case because our principles are not rigid."
India and the rest of the world need to understand that Myanmar is just at the beginning of the road to democracy, and that its present Constitution does not make the road smooth, says Aung San Suu Kyi
In an interview to Nirupama Subramanian, Myanmar's icon of democracy says that she looks forward to rebuilding democratic ties between the two countries. She arrives in India today on her first visit after almost five decades to the country where she spent her formative years. The interview took place in the Myanmar's capital Nay Pyi Taw on October 31.
In a few days time, you will be going to India, where you grew up, went to school, college. It's going to be 50 years since you were last there. What are your expectations from this visit, at a personal level, and for Myanmar?
On a personal level, I'd like to see my old friends again, and, just to talk with them, just to be with them. And I'd like to see the old places, the places where I spent time as a teenager; Lady Shri Ram College, see how it's doing — that's on a personal level. On a political level, I would like to establish closer relations between the peoples of our countries. I feel that perhaps in recent years we've grown apart as peoples, because India took a road which is different from ours, or rather we changed route. At one time both of us were dedicated democracies and we were close together, on the ideological front as well as in other ways. I'd like to see a closer relationship between our two peoples, because I've always felt we had a special relationship — India and Burma — because of our colonial history, and because of the fact that the leaders of our independence movement were so close to one another.
Did it surprise you that India took a different path?
Well, I have to tell you that nothing surprises me anymore; I've come across so many twists and turns of fate. I don't think anything will surprise me anymore. Pleased, displeased, happy, unhappy maybe. But surprise, no.
You've often said Gandhi and Nehru are your greatest inspirations after your father. In your own political battle of the last two decades, were you disappointed that the land of Gandhi and Nehru moved away from you?
Disappointed? I'm trying to work out whether I'm still capable of disappointment. Yes, to a certain degree, I was disappointed. But on the other hand, the fact that one's not surprised means that one's disappointment was mitigated. In a sense what it means [is] that you had worked out in your calculations that this was a possibility. Of course, one would rather that it had not been like that. One works out what the possibilities are and of course one would prefer that possibility which is most after one's heart, but that doesn't always happen. And I think, sometimes I think rather than disappointment, sad is the word I would use because I have a personal attachment to India through my friends as well as because of the friendship that existed between my father and Jawaharlal Nehru, because of the closeness that existed between the countries. So rather than disappointed, I was sad that it had to be like that.
How do you expect the political relationship between yourself and India to be now?
I think this depends a lot on how far we can go towards democracy because as we progress towards democracy, I think it would be easier for official relations between the two countries to be more clear-cut. I can understand that India had some problems choosing between the opposition and the government that was in power and that happens very often in international relations. But if Burma is established as a democracy as I wish it to be, that would mitigate problems of — not inconsistency — deciding between the two sides.
In what specific ways can India help Myanmar at this stage of its political transition?
It's to be able to take a good hard look at what is really happening. Not to be over-optimistic, at the same time to be encouraging of what needs to be encouraged; because I think too much optimism doesn't help because then you ignore what is going wrong, and if you ignore what is not right, then from not right it becomes wrong. And from wrong, it gets worse. So I think good friends sometimes have to be tough. And say this is not on.
Can you be a little more specific?
For example, at the moment of course everybody is mainly interested in Burma because of its investment policies. I think we have to face this fairly and squarely. But investment has to be done in the right way. And also we have to keep in mind that we are just at the beginning of the road to democracy, and as I keep saying, it's a road we have to build for ourselves. It's not there ready and waiting. The Constitution that was adopted in 2008 was not in any way a smooth road to democracy. And we have to do all that building ourselves, and I think this needs to be recognised by India and by the rest of the world — that we are not on the smooth road to democracy. We still have to be given the chance to build the road to democracy.
So if there is one message that you would want to give to Indian investors, what would you tell them?
I would like to say, of course we are interested in basics such as job creation, on the job training. But I would like India to focus attention on strengthening local government. We are a union made up of many ethnic nationalities, and I would like would-be investors to focus on how to bring us closer together as a union. But at the same time, to be fully aware of the fact that development is no substitute for democracy. And that the aspirations of our ethnic nationalities go beyond mere development.
There is a tendency to project India and China as competing for influence in Burma? How do you view this triangle?
It's natural that people should see it that way. There's some truth to it. After all, these are the two giants and both happen to be our very close neighbours. But if you look back, we can take heart from the fact that Burma always retained good relations with both countries after independence, even when China was rigidly Communist and India a working democracy. And we ourselves were a democracy. And in spite of that we managed to maintain good relations with both countries. And this is something that we will always have to try to do. I always say that you can't move away from your neighbours. You may divorce a spouse, but you can't move away from your neighbouring country. So it's very important that you maintain good relations. And again, I think, it's people to people relationships which are most important. It's not government to government. Governments come and governments go. But the peoples of the countries, they remain. And if we manage to establish genuine friendship between our peoples, then the future will be good for us. That's not impossible.
You spoke about not being overly optimistic, and how the 2008 Constitution was not a smooth road to democracy? What remains to be done in that respect, what milestones would you like to see covered, and in what time frame?
Well, there are so many things to it, but roughly speaking the 2008 Constitution gives too much power to the military. The military may take over the powers of government if they think it's necessary; and of course, 25 per cent of all the assemblies, both at the national and regional level, are made up of military nominees, unelected. It doesn't worry me unduly, because it gives us an opportunity to engage with members of the military; but of course, it is hardly what you would call a democratic way of going about it. And then, the regional governments do not actually have real power. It's still a very centralised system and such a centralised system is not going to promote democratic values, but more important than that, it's not going to promote ethnic harmony.
Would you like to see all this change before the 2015 election, is that a time frame that you are looking at?
I think some of the most important sections will have to be amended before 2015, if 2015 is going to establish us firmly on the road to democracy.
Would you also aim to change the provision in the Constitution that bars you from running for President?
Yes, not because it bars me from running for the office of President, but [because] I think it's not right that any Constitution should have been framed with one person in mind.
Do you want to be President of Myanmar?
I would like my party to win because it has the people behind it, and in that respect, I'd be prepared to take over the position of President. Not so much because I want to be President of a country but because I want the President of the country to be elected through the will of the people.
You are saying you don't want power for power's sake…
Oh we need power for the sake of making change. Let us not be pusillanimous about it. If we want to bring about the kind of changes we want, we need power, not power for the sake of power, but power for the opportunity of bringing about the changes we would like to bring about.
In the last few days, there's been concern internationally and in Myanmar that the incidents in the Rakhine region between the Buddhists and the Rohingyas may cause a setback to the process of reforms, and also there's the other fear that it could snowball into a security threat for the entire region if it leads to the radicalisation of the people there. Do you share these worries? Are you concerned? You haven't said much about it…
Of course we are concerned. I think in many ways the situation has been mishandled. For years I have been insisting, and the National League for Democracy also, that we have to do something about the porous border with Bangladesh because it is going to lead some day or the other to grave problems. But nobody, of course, paid attention because the problems were not there yet. Also we have emphasised the need for law and order, the rule of law. And again, the perception was these were communal problems.
I emphasise rule of law, one has to emphasise rule of law because communal differences are not settled overnight. In fact, they often take years to sort out. In the meantime, if they had concentrated on rule of law, they could have prevented violence and human rights violations breaking out, and that would at least have kept tensions under control. And until tensions are under control, how can we try to bring about communal harmony? You can't. When people are committing arson, rape and murder, you can hardly ask them to sit together and talk, sort out their differences. It's not practical. So we have to make sure these kind of troubles should not erupt in the first place, which is why I emphasise the rule of law.
There were those who were not pleased, because they wanted me to condemn one community or the other. Both communities have suffered human rights violations, and have also violated human rights. And human rights have been grossly mishandled in the Rakhine by the government for many decades.
What do you see as the long-term solution to the problem?
First I think we will have to put law and order in place. I hate to use the expression 'law and order' because when the military took over in 1988, they called themselves the State Law and Order Restoration Council; so law and order is an expression we approach with great caution. We would rather say rule of law, rule of justice — that we'll have to establish peace and security.
How difficult has it been for you to make the transition from being a worldwide hero and icon of democracy and freedom to a politician who has to make compromises?
I'm glad you asked this question. I find it surprising because I've always been a politician. People talk as though I were sort of an icon or on a pedestal, but they seem to forget that throughout, my party and I have been criticised — of course, reviled by the military government — but criticised even by other organisations, by some countries, because we were, they said, not prepared to compromise. We were always prepared to compromise, and we've always offered to compromise all along the line. And I'm surprised when people say to me that now I've got to be a politician. I want to ask them what do you think I've been all these years.
You've always talked about being true to principles, does it bother you that in the everyday practice of politics you may have to forsake principles for compromise?
We've never had to forsake principles. There's no need to forsake principles for compromise, especially in my case because our principles are not rigid. Our principles are very basic principles of, if you like, human and political decency. We've always been prepared to compromise. We've never stood on our pride, as it were, or on our vanity. Of course, I've always said negotiations mean give and take. Give and take means you give sometimes, and they give sometimes. And there are times when you have to give, times when you take. You can't insist on being the taker all the time. And we've always said this. Actually, the truth is that the world has woken up to our cause only very recently, in general. They've been aware of what we were doing, but not really alert to what we were doing, or what our principles were, or what our stand was. Very, very few people know, the times we've tried to compromise with the military regime, or if they know about it, they've forgotten about it.
Do you think the military is completely on board this process? When you say don't be overly optimistic, do you fear that it hangs by the reform-mindedness of one individual, President Thein Sein?
In fact, the President is quite apart from the military. The military is the military, and the executive is the executive. This is what I mean by saying that the Constitution is hardly democratic. So until we know the military is solidly behind the reform process, because the President certainly does not represent the military, then we can't say this is irreversible.
What is the test of that, for you to believe that it is irreversible?
I think the test would be their preparedness to consider changing the sections in the Constitution that are not democratic.
How much credit would you give to President Thein Sein for his role in this whole process?
I think he needs to be given credit, but I do not think he's the only one who brought it about.
Is it Burma or Myanmar?
Well, I think it's up to you. I'll explain why I use Burma. Burma was known as Burma since independence. Suddenly, after the military regime took over in 1988, one day, just like that, out of the blue, without so much as a by your leave from the people, they announced that Burma was going to be known as Myanmar in English from now on officially, and it would be Myanmar at the U.N. and so on. And the reason they gave is this, that Myanmar referred to all the peoples of this country whereas Burma, first of all, is a colonial name; and secondly, it had only to do with the ethnic Burmese.
To begin with, I object to a country's name being changed without reference to the will of the people, without so much as the courtesy to ask the people what they might think of it. That of course is the sort of the thing only dictatorships do. So I object it to it on those grounds. And then secondly, it's not true that Myanmar means all the ethnic peoples of Burma. I think it's just the literary name for Burma, which is the ethnic Burmese [usage]. And thirdly, this business of colonial name, that it is a name imposed by the colonial power, I think that is the kind of reason which is based on xenophobia rooted in lack of self-confidence. Look at India, look at China, look at Japan. The biggest most powerful nations in Asia: none of the names are native to them. And look at Indonesia, look at the Philippines. So I think this is petty and narrow-minded. And some say it was because of astrological calculations, and that of course puts my back up entirely.
Posted: 13 Nov 2012 03:38 AM PST
Luluh hati seorang abang apabila adik perempuannya yang bakal menduduki peperiksaan Sijil Pelajaran Malaysia (SPM) pada tahun depan, melahirkan seorang bayi di dalam bilik di rumah keluarga mereka di sini, semalam.
Dalam kejadian kira-kira jam 2 pagi itu, abang kepada remaja perempuan terbabit berkata, tangisan kuat yang didengari datangnya dari arah bilik adiknya itu mengejutkan dia dan seorang lagi adik lelakinya, sebelum kelahiran bayi itu disedari mereka.
Difahamkan, ketika pintu bilik dibuka, gadis berumur 16 tahun itu berada di lantai dalam bilik tidurnya dengan keadaan berlumuran darah manakala bayi tersebut pula berada di sisinya sebelum perkara itu dimaklumkan kepada ibu mereka.
Menurut si abang, dia kemudiannya meminta bantuan jiran terdekat untuk membawa adiknya itu ke Hospital Sultanah Nur Zahirah (HSNZ) Kuala Terengganu dan mendakwa melaporkan mengenai kejadian itu di balai polis berdekatan.
"Kami sekeluarga juga tidak mengesyaki dia hamil sebelum ini kerana tubuhnya agak besar berbanding rakan seusianya, malah saiz perutnya juga kelihatan seperti normal," katanya ketika ditemui Sinar Harian di HSNZ Kuala Terengganu, semalam.
Abang remaja terbabit berkata, adik perempuannya dan bayi tersebut kini dirawat di hospital berkenaan dan hanya keluarga mereka dibenarkan melawat, namun keadaan adik dan bayi itu sehingga tengah hari semalam dilaporkan stabil.
Anak sulung daripada tiga beradik itu juga memberitahu adiknya juga mengaku pernah dinodai seorang lelaki dikenali keluarga mereka pada Februari lalu, namun merahsiakan perkara itu sehinggalah melahirkan bayi berkenaan dalam bilik tidurnya.
Sementara itu, Ketua Polis Daerah Marang, Deputi Superitendan Ahmad Mazlan Yahaya ketika dihubungi tengah hari semalam bagaimanapun tidak dapat mengesahkan mengenai perkara itu kerana masih belum menerima laporan terperinci. -SH
Posted: 12 Nov 2012 11:16 PM PST
Posted: 12 Nov 2012 11:00 PM PST
The older you get, the tougher it is to lose weight, because by then your body and your fat are really good friends.
Every time I think about exercise, I lie down til the thought goes away.
Sometimes I think I understand everything, then I regain consciousness.
I don't suffer from insanity. I enjoy every minute of it.
Okay, who put a "stop payment" on my reality check?
I'm not a complete idiot, some parts are missing!
My mind not only wanders, sometimes it leaves me altogether.
The only person who listens to both sides of an argument is the next door neighbor.
I earn a seven-figure salary. Unfortunately, there's a decimal point involved.
God put me on earth to accomplish a certain number of things. Right now I am so far behind, I will live forever.
I intend to live forever . . . so far, so good.
Not all men are annoying. Some are dead.
"Very funny, Scotty. Now beam down my clothes."
We are born naked, wet and hungry. Then things get worse.
Make it idiot proof and someone will make a better idiot.
Error, no keyboard - press F1 to continue.
Artificial Intelligence usually beats real stupidity.
Oops. My brain just hit a bad sector.
I used to have a handle on life, then it broke.
Don't take life too seriously, you won't get out alive.
Change is inevitable, except from a vending machine.
Most accidents happen in the kitchen. And the men have to eat them!
Some mornings I wake up grouchy... and some mornings I just let her sleep!
I'm not ugly I'm just Facially challenged
If nothing sticks to Teflon, how do they stick Teflon on the pan?
If you cross poison ivy with four-leaf clovers do you get a rash of good luck?
If a turtle doesn't have a shell, is he homeless or naked?
Eagles may soar, but groundhogs don't get sucked into jet engines.
The early bird gets the worm, but the second mouse gets the cheese.
If Barbie is so popular, why do you have to buy her friends?
Mental backup in progress-Do Not Disturb!
When everything's coming your way, you're in the wrong lane.
Everyone has a photographic memory. Some don't have film.
What happens if you get scared half to death twice?
It is hard to make a comeback when you haven't been anywhere.
If God wanted me to touch my toes he would have put them on my knees.
If you're living on the edge, make sure you're wearing a seat belt.
It's not hard to meet expenses...they're everywhere.
I thought I wanted a career, turns out I just wanted paychecks.
I pretend to work. They pretend to pay me.
Posted: 12 Nov 2012 11:11 PM PST
Posted: 12 Nov 2012 08:05 PM PST
She wanted rice for their three children. He said they couldn't afford it. Apartheid-like restrictions had prevented Muslims like Tun Naing from working for Buddhists here in Rakhine State along Myanmar's western border, costing the 38-year-old metalworker his job.
The couple screamed at each other. Tun Naing threw another punch. Neighbours joined in the row.
The commotion stirred up ethnic Rakhine Buddhists in the next village, who began shouting anti-Muslim slurs. Relations between the two communities were already so tense that six soldiers were stationed nearby. Tun Naing's village was soon besieged by hundreds of Rakhines. And Myanmar was plunged into a week of sectarian violence that by official count claimed 89 lives, its worst in decades.
The unrest exposes the dark side of Myanmar's historic opening: an unleashing of ethnic hatred that was suppressed during 49 years of military rule.
It is a crucial test for an 18-month-old reformist government in one of Asia's most ethnically diverse countries. Jailed dissidents have been released, a free election held and censorship lifted in a democratic transition so seamless that U.S. President Barack Obama is scheduled to make a congratulatory visit on November 19.
State media have largely absolved authorities of any role in the October unrest, depicting it mostly as spontaneous eruptions of violence that often ended with Muslims burning their own homes.
But a Reuters investigation paints a more troubling picture: The wave of attacks was organized, central-government military sources told Reuters. They were led by Rakhine nationalists tied to a powerful political party in the state, incited by Buddhist monks, and, some witnesses said, abetted at times by local security forces.
A leader in the regional party, the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party, denied it had a role in organizing the assaults but conceded the possible involvement of grass-roots supporters. "When the mob rises with very hot ethnic nationalism, it is very difficult to stop them," Oo Hla Saw told Reuters in an interview.
Two townships – Pauktaw and Kyaukphyu – saw the near-total expulsion of long-established Muslim populations, in what could amount to ethnic cleansing. One village saw a massacre of dozens of Muslims, among them 21 women.
Interviews with government officials, military and police, political leaders and dozens of Buddhists and Muslims across a vast conflict zone suggest Myanmar is entering a more violent phase of persecution of its 800,000 mostly stateless Rohingya, a Muslim minority in an overwhelmingly Buddhist country.
Rohingya have lived for generations in Rakhine State, where postcard-perfect valleys sweep down to a mangrove-fringed coastline. But Rakhines and other Burmese view them as illegal immigrants from neighbouring Bangladesh who deserve neither rights nor sympathy. Rakhines reject the term "Rohingya" as a modern invention, referring to them instead as "Bengali" or "kalar" – a pejorative Burmese word for Muslims or people of South Asian descent.
October's attacks marked an acceleration of violence against the Rohingya. An earlier wave of unrest in June killed at least 80 people. Afterwards, the Rakhine State government imposed a policy of segregating Muslim communities from Buddhists across an area roughly the size of Switzerland.
More than 97 percent of the 36,394 people who have fled the latest violence are Muslims, according to official statistics. Many now live in camps, joining 75,000 mostly Rohingya displaced in June. Others have set sail for Bangladesh, Thailand and Malaysia on rickety boats, two of which have reportedly capsized, with as many as 150 people believed drowned.
There is no evidence to suggest the Buddhist-dominated national government endorsed the violence. But it appears to have anticipated trouble, stationing troops between Muslim and Buddhist villages a month ago, following rumours of attacks.
"This is racism," said Shwe Hle Maung, 43, chief of Paik Thay, where impoverished Muslim families cram into thatched homes without electricity. "The government can resolve this if it wants to in five minutes. But they are doing nothing."
The Rakhine violence is also a test for Nobel Peace Prize-winner Aung San Suu Kyi, now opposition leader in parliament, whose studied neutrality has failed to defuse tensions and risks undermining her image as a unifying moral force. Suu Kyi, a devout Buddhist, says she refuses to take sides.
At stake is the stability of one of Myanmar's most commercially strategic regions and the gold-rush of foreign investment that has come with an easing of Western economic sanctions. The United States and the European Union have suspended, not lifted, sanctions, and have made resolving ethnic conflicts a precondition for further rewards.
In Rakhine State, however, the conflict has spread, most recently to areas where Muslims have long lived peacefully with Buddhists, according to a reconstruction of the violence from October 21 through October 25.
In Paik Thay, the Buddhist Rakhine mobs hurled Molotov cocktails at wooden huts, while Tun Naing and his neighbours fled. Muhammad Amin, 62, said he was beaten with a metal pipe until his skull cracked. The initial violence ended after soldiers fired their guns into the air and police arrested a Rakhine.
The bloodshed was only beginning.
"WE HAD NO PROBLEMS BEFORE"
The next morning, Monday, October 22, hundreds of Rakhine men gathered on the southern outskirts of Mrauk-U, an ancient capital studded with Buddhist temples about 15 miles (24 km) north of Paik Thay. Then they marched to Tha Yet Oak, a Muslim fishing village of about 1,100 people, and set alight its flimsy bamboo homes.
The Muslim villagers fled by boat to nearby Pa Rein village. The Rakhine mob followed, swelling to nearly 1,000, according to Kyin Sein Aung, 66, a Rakhine farmer from a neighbouring Buddhist village.
He didn't recognize the mob; he described them as "outsiders" and said he suspected they came from Mrauk-U. Hundreds now poured across a stream separating the villages. Others came by boat. By noon, there were about 4,000 Rakhines, according to both Buddhist and Muslim villagers.
Four soldiers shot in the air to disperse the crowd but were easily overwhelmed, witnesses said. The Muslims fought back with spears and machetes, torching a rice mill and several Rakhine homes. Rakhines fired homemade guns.
Six Muslims were killed, including two women, said M.V. Kareem, 63, a Muslim elder in Pa Rein – a toll confirmed by the military. He and other villagers said they saw familiar faces and uniformed police in the angry crowd.
"I don't know why it started," said Kareem, who has friends in the Buddhist village. Buddhist farmer Kyin Sein Aung was baffled, too. For years, he worked in rice fields shoulder-to-shoulder with his Muslim neighbours. "We had no problems before."
Communities like Pa Rein had avoided the June violence. But new strains emerged with the subsequent segregation of Muslim and Buddhist villages, a draconian order imposed by the Rakhine State government. Intended to prevent more violence, it backfired.
Impoverished Muslim villagers could no longer buy rice and other supplies in Buddhist towns. Transgressors were sometimes beaten with sticks or fists to warn others, according to people interviewed in six Muslim villages. Fishing nets were confiscated.
Desperation grew, with rice stocks dwindling as the monsoon peaked in October. Some Muslim villagers stole rice from Buddhist farmers, further stoking anger, said farmer Kyin Sein Aung.
By 4:30 p.m. that same Monday, several thousand Rakhines were massed outside Sam Ba Le, a village in neighbouring Minbya township. By now, a pattern was emerging.
Rakhines flanked the village, hurling Molotov cocktails and firing homemade guns, said a village elder. Muslims fought back, sometimes with spears or machetes, but were overpowered. Government troops shot rounds into the air. By the time the crowd left Sam Ba Le at 6 p.m., one Muslim man had been killed and two-thirds of its 331 homes razed.
As night fell, the townships of Mrauk-U and Minbya imposed 7 p.m. to 5 a.m. curfews. But worse was to come.
"RAKHINES WILL DRINK KALAR BLOOD"
Tuesday began with a massacre. Reuters reporters visited dozens of villages in Rakhine State. But there was only one where their entry was barred by soldiers and police: the remote, riverside community of Yin Thei, in the shadow of the Chin mountains.
What happened there suggested a bolder and better organized mob, aided by incompetent or complicit police.
By 7 a.m. on Tuesday, hundreds of Rakhine arrived on boats to surround Yin Thei, said a resident contacted by telephone. By late afternoon, the Muslim villagers were fending off waves of attacks. The resident said children, including two of his young cousins, were killed by sword-wielding Rakhines. Most houses were burned down.
Musi Dula, a Muslim farmer from a nearby village, said he heard gunfire at about 5 p.m. A Yin Thei villager telephoned Musi Dula's neighbours and said police were shooting at them. Another farmer nervously told Reuters how he watched from afar as police opened fire from the village's western edge, also at about 5 p.m.
The official death toll is five Rakhines and 51 Muslims killed at Yin Thei, including 21 Muslim women, said a senior police officer in Naypyitaw, the new capital of Myanmar. He denied security forces opened fire or abetted the mobs. The Yin Thei resident put the toll higher, saying 62 people were buried in small graves of about 10 bodies each.
As Yin Thei burned, the last of nearly 4,000 Rohingya Muslims were fleeing the large port town of Pauktaw, in a dramatic exodus by sea that had begun five days earlier.
Tensions had simmered since October 12, when four Rohingya fishermen were killed off Pauktaw, said a military source. Afterwards, local authorities had ordered Rohingya to stay in their own villages for their safety. Men couldn't work in town, and few dared to go fishing.
"The government gave us food but it wasn't enough," said Num Marot, 48. "We didn't dare stay."
Pauktaw's Rohingya began cramming into boats for the two-hour voyage to the state capital, Sittwe. Num Marot's new home would be a tarpaulin tent in a squalid camp already packed with tens of thousands of people displaced by the June violence.
About 30 minutes after the last boat pushed out to sea, the two Rohingya neighbourhoods in Pauktaw were set ablaze, witnesses said. All 335 homes were destroyed. The charred and roofless frame of a once-busy mosque is marked with graffiti: "Rakhines will drink kalar blood," it reads, using the slur for Muslims.
Kay Aye, deputy chairman of Pauktaw township, insists Rohingya set alight their own homes and blames the communal problems on the Muslim population's doubling in 10 years. "Muslims want all people to become Muslims. That's the Muslim problem," he said. "Most of the Muslims here are uneducated, so they tend to be ruder than Rakhines."
Tuesday night fell. Soon a new inferno began in Kyaukphyu, a sleepy port town 65 miles (105 km) southeast of Sittwe with strategic significance: gas and oil pipelines lead from this township across Myanmar to China's energy-hungry northwest.
So far, the violence had targeted Rohingya Muslims. About a fifth of Kyaukphyu town's 24,000 people are Muslims, and many of them are Kaman. The Kaman are recognized as one of Myanmar's 135 official ethnic groups; they usually hold citizenship and can be hard to tell apart from Rakhine Buddhists.
Most Kyaukphyu Muslims lived in East Pikesake, a neighbourhood wedged between Rakhine communities and the jade-green waters of the Bay of Bengal.
Relations between the two communities had began to unravel after the June violence. The destruction of Buddhist temples by mobs in Muslim Bangladesh in early October further stoked the animosity.
The first fire began in East Pikesake on Tuesday evening, and soon dozens of houses, Rakhine and Muslim, were ablaze. The streets around the Old Village Jamae Mosque, one of East Pikesake's two mosques, became the front line in pitched battles between the two communities.
Rakhines fought with swords, iron rods and traditional Rakhine spears. The Muslims had jinglees – long darts made from sharpened bicycle spokes or fish hooks, which are fitted with plastic streamers and shot from catapults.
With the sea behind them, Pikesake's Muslims were cut off from escape by Rakhine crowds so large that the security forces, which numbered about 80 police and 100 soldiers, were overwhelmed, said Police Lieutenant Myint Khin, Kyaukphyu's station commander. "We couldn't control them," he said.
Police fired tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse Muslim and Rakhine mobs, said Police Lieutenant Myint Khin. The military fired live rounds, said a source in the security forces, but evidently not into the crowd. Staff at Kyaukphyu hospital told Reuters they treated injuries from blades, jinglees and fire, but none from bullets.
"TAUGHT THEM A LESSON"
The next morning, the rest of East Pikesake went up in flames. Myint Hlaing, a local official, said the heat was "more intense than a crematorium." It singed the fronds of five-story-high palm trees.
Rakhine men had begun pouring in from surrounding villages. Unpublished video shot by an amateur cameraman shows young men in red bandanas entering the town in convoys of tractors. They helped to terrorize Muslims living elsewhere in Kyaukphyu, according to Muslim and Rakhine witnesses. Police Lieutenant Myint Khin said the security forces were too overstretched to stop them.
Men with swords pulled Susu, 39, and her husband Than Twa, 48, from a house in west Kyaukphyu. "They cut him here and here and here," said Susu, chopping at her arms and legs. She recognised many of her attackers: They were neighbours, she said. Susu ran off to find some soldiers, who escorted her back to rescue her husband. He was dead.
Only two forces could give the mob pause. The first was the national military, which scattered crowds by shooting in the air. The second was Rakhine Buddhist officials such as Myint Hlaing.
Some officials joined the mob, said local Muslims, but others confronted it. Facing cries of "Kill the kalar protector!" Myint Hlaing, 68, pleaded with angry Rakhines outside Kaman Muslim homes in his neighbourhood. "If we hadn't protected the Kamans, their houses would be destroyed and the people dead," he said.
By mid-morning, the military began evacuating Muslims by bus to a guarded refugee camp outside town.
Back in Pikesake, which was still burning, the Muslims had only one exit: the sea. A flotilla of fishing boats was preparing to leave its blazing shores.
"People swam out to the boats but were chased down and stabbed before they got there," said Abdulloh, 35, a Rohingya fisherman. Xanabibi, 46, a Kaman woman, said she watched from a boat as three Rakhine men with swords set upon a Muslim teenager. "I watched them … cut up his body into four pieces," she said.
Rakhine Buddhists claim they witnessed atrocities, too. Myint Hlaing said he saw a Muslim on one departing boat hold aloft a severed Rakhine head.
By mid-afternoon, at least 80 boats, many overloaded with 130 or more people, had set sail for Sittwe, said witnesses. An additional 1,700 or more Muslims ended up at a squalid, military-guarded camp outside Kyaukphyu.
The official statistics tell of a lopsided battle at Kyaukphyu. Of the 11 dead, nine were Muslims. Nearly all of the 891 houses destroyed belonged to Muslims; nearly all of the 5,301 people displaced were Muslims. Four of Kyaukphyu's five mosques were destroyed.
A prominent Rakhine businessman, who requested anonymity, showed little sympathy for his former neighbours. "The majority taught them a lesson," he said.
"HOT ETHNIC NATIONALISM"
The last spasm of violence took place at Kyauktaw, a town north of the state capital, Sittwe. At that point, the military shot into the crowd – and, for the first time, killed the Buddhists it had long been accused of siding with.
Soldiers opened fire to prevent Rakhine villagers on two boats from storming a Rohingya Muslim community, said Aung Kyaw Min, a 28-year-old Rakhine from Taung Bwe with a bullet in his leg. "I don't know why the military shot at us," he said. Two people died and 10 were wounded, villagers said.
In a separate incident the same day, security forces shot at Rakhines on Kyauktaw's outskirts, killing two and wounding four, a witness told Reuters.
The shootings seemed to send a message to the mobs. The violence stopped that day.
The senior police officer in Naypyitaw acknowledged that police were forced to fire at both Muslims and Rakhines in their attempts to subdue large crowds.
The official death toll from the October violence now stood at 89. The real toll could be higher. The extent of the killing at Yin Thei village remains unclear. Reports persist that scores of Muslims fleeing Pauktaw drowned after Rakhines rammed their boat. Nearly 4,700 homes were destroyed in 42 villages.
In a statement that Thursday, President Thein Sein warned that the "persons and organizations" behind the Rakhine State violence would be exposed and prosecuted. The mobs were well-organized and led by core instigators, some of whom moved village to village, military sources told Reuters.
In Kyaukphyu, however, police have so far arrested only seven people – six of them for looting. In Mrauk-U township, where most killings occurred, only 14 people have been arrested, said the military intelligence officer. The apparent impunity of the instigators is sending a chilling message to Muslim communities across Myanmar.
The intelligence officer, who has direct knowledge of the state's security operations, identified the suspected ringleaders as Rakhine extremists with ties to the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party, or RNDP, which was set up to contest Myanmar's 2010 general election. He didn't name any suspects. Buddhist monks stoked the unrest with anti-Muslim rhetoric, he added.
RNDP Secretary-General Oo Hla Saw denied that his party organized any mobs. But he acknowledged the possible involvement of supporters, low-level officials and "moderate monks who become radical when they think about Muslims."
Oo Hla Saw blamed local authorities for failing to heed rumours of impending violence, and Islamist radicals for inflaming tensions. For many Rakhines, he adds, the term Rohingya has jihadist overtones associated with the "Mujahid," autonomy-seeking rebels in northern Rakhine State from 1949 to 1961, who called themselves ethnic Rohingya. (Independent historians say the rebels did popularize the term "Rohingya," but cite a few references to it since the 18th century.)
Even today, Oo Hla Saw said, the Rohingya want "to set up an autonomous Islamic community. They are systematically scheming to do that."
Most Rohingya struggle simply to get by. A 2010 survey by the French group Action Against Hunger found a malnutrition rate of 20 percent, far above the emergency threshold set by the World Health Organization.
Many arrived as labourers from Bangladesh under British rule in the 19th century – grounds the government now uses to deny them citizenship. Rohingya were effectively rendered stateless under the 1982 Citizenship Law, which excluded them from the list of indigenous ethnic groups. Officials refer to them as Bengalis. Most Rohingya found it hard to apply for naturalized citizenship, since they couldn't speak Burmese or prove long-term residence.
Monks, symbols of democracy during 2007 protests against military rule, have helped fuel the outrage against Muslims. A week before the violence erupted, monks led nationwide protests against plans by the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), the world's biggest Islamic body, to set up a liaison office in Rakhine State.
An anti-OIC rally in Sittwe on October 15 "angered Muslims here," conceded Nyar Nar, 32, one of the Rakhine monks who led it. He regards Muslims as foreign invaders. "As monks, we have morality and ethics," he said. "But if outsiders come to occupy our land, then we will take up swords to protect it."
In some parts of the state, the mood is celebratory. "This is the best time because there are no Muslims here," said Zaw Min Oo, a Rakhine shoe seller in Pauktaw township. Nearly 95 percent of a 20,000-strong Muslim community there is now gone.
The peace might be short-lived. The state's clumsy attempts at segregation helped create the conditions for the October violence. Further segregation – including the confining of tens of thousands of Muslims in seething camps – could spark more violence. Curfews remain in force across much of Rakhine State.
In Kyaukphyu town, starving dogs sniff through the ashes while municipal workers heave scrap metal into a truck. The only Muslim left in town is Ngwe Shin, an old woman suffering from mental illness. She can often be found near the market, shuffling past vandalized or shuttered homes.
(Additional reporting by Martin Petty and Reuters staff; Editing by Bill Tarrant and Michael Williams)
Posted: 12 Nov 2012 10:18 PM PST
Pengacara, pelawak dan penulis lirik, Bob Lokman atau nama sebenar, Muhammad Hakim Lokman berkata, pelancaran Yayasan Artis 1Malaysia (YA1M) oleh Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Najib Razak hanya untuk tarik sokongan golongan itu kepada BN.
Katanya, Umno terbukti semakin parah kerana sanggup menjanjikan habuan demi kepentingan politik.
"Ini janji tak ikhlas, kenapa baru sekarang nak bagi (perhatian) kepada artis.
Adakah kerana tiada penyokong, baru nak gunakan artis.
"Ini semua tindakan terdesak mereka. Selama ini siapa yang pandang artis, kami hanya digelar sebagai penghibur, tiada kepentingan," tempelaknya.
Najib melancarkan YA1M itu semalam sebagai langkah menarik sokongan golongan seni yang semakin peka dengan isu politik kepada BN.
Dalam ucapannya, beliau berjanji kepada golongan seni menyokong kerajaan akan mendapat bantuan lebih banyak kelak jika BN meraih kemenangan dalam Pilihan Raya Umum ke-13 (PRU 13).
Najib turut mengumumkan sumbangan RM2 juta kepada YA1M pada tahun ini dan RM3 juta pada tahun depan di samping akan menimbang untuk menyediakan skim perlindungan insurans kepada golongan seni.
"Kalau dah buat macam-macam, takkan artis tak boleh fikir, mesti ada muslihat di sebalik janji-janjinya. Kalau mereka (artis) waras, mereka tak akan sokong perkara ini. Kalau tak boleh baca lagi (muslihat Najib), maknanya mereka tak normal.
"Tapi kalau mereka tidak bermaruah, orang itu pastinya mudah ditipu," tegasnya ketika dihubungi.
Antara artis yang telah menyertai parti politik ialah penyanyi dan pelakon kontroversi Abby Abadi yang mengumumkan penyertaan ke dalam PAS.
Selain Bob Lokman, terdapat beberapa artis lain yang menyertai Pakatan Rakyat antaranya pelakon Hairie Othman, penyanyi Dayangku Intan, Noryn Aziz dan Yatt Hamzah.
Sementara itu, Ketua Biro Kebudayaan dan Kesenian Majlis Pimpinan Wanita KEADILAN, Tengku Intan Tengku Abd Hamid atau Dayangku Intan menyifatkan tindakan terdesak Najib itu kerana sedar beliau akan kalah dalam PRU 13 sehingga terpaksa bergantung kepada artis.
"Ini semua kerana mereka takut kalah PRU 13, baru mereka tahu bagaimana artis boleh mempengaruhi rakyat dengan hasil seni mereka.
"Kalau mahu bercakap mengenai royalti, perlindungan kepada artis, ini bukan perkara baru.
Sudah bertahun kita perjuangkan. Kenapa baru sekarang mahu jaga artis," kata penyanyi yang terkenal dengan lagu Semakin Rindu Semakin Sayang.
Kata artis veteran itu lagi, Umno sebenarnya ketandusan idea kerana terpaksa meniru apa yang dibuat Pakatan Rakyat.
"Kalau mahu tarik sokongan artis, Umno sebenarnya sudah terlambat kerana Pakatan lebih dahulu memahami artis.
"Semuanya ditiru, dari (jelajah) bas, sehinggalah beri peluang kepada artis ke pentas ceramah (Umno). Sudut ini pun kita boleh tengok Pakatan lebih dekat dengan artis," ujarnya.
Posted: 12 Nov 2012 06:58 PM PST
Posted: 12 Nov 2012 07:00 PM PST
An oxymoron (plural oxymora or oxymorons) (from Greek ὀξύμωρον, "sharp dull") is a figure of speech that combines contradictory terms.
Oxymora appear in a variety of contexts, including inadvertent errors such as ground pilot and literary oxymorons crafted to reveal a paradox.
Here's an interesting list for your reading pleasure...
Posted: 12 Nov 2012 06:35 PM PST
Korean music video for Dripping Tears (눈물이 주르륵), title track of Son Dambi's fourth mini-album which was released Monday. Average song; the blonde wigs are so unnecessary, she looks great in normal styling. Concept photos further below…
Posted: 12 Nov 2012 07:19 PM PST
Kerajaan negeri Selangor akan memberi tempoh selama 14 hari kepada Kementerian Pengangkutan, bermula hari ini, untuk menurunkan dua kamera sistem penguatkuasaan automatik (AES) yang dipasang di negeri itu.
Anggota exco Ronnie Liu dalam laporan Nanyang Siang Pau berkata, pihak berkuasa setempat akan "membantu" menanggalkan kamera tersebut sekiranya kementerian gagal berbuat demikian.
Liu semalam dilaporkan berkata, pemasangan dua kamera tersebut di Kajang tidak mendapat kelulusan majlis perbandaran termpatan, seperti ditetapkan undang-undang.
Beliau seterusnya menggesa Menteri Perumahan dan Kerajaan Tempatan Datuk Seri Chor Chee Heung dan Menteri Pengangkutan Datuk Ser Kong Cho Ha supaya merujuk Akta Kerajaan Tempatan 1976.
"Kerajaan Selangor (juga mengharamkan pelaksanaan) AES di negeri itu.. kerana sistem berkenaan mengandungi banyak kelemahan," katanya.
Selangor menjadi negeri pertama yang menentang AES dengan alasan bahawa Jabatan Pengangkutan Jalan gagal menjelaskan kelebihan sistem tersebut.
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