- A blessed Easter to all Christians
- Memang Dasar UMNO & Pencacainya Tak Hormat Undang-undang & Mahkamah
- Why Did We Invade Iraq? By Victor Davis Hanson
- Video: How Pakatan has been fulfilling its promises in Selangor
- Ahli DAP Cabar Ulama Mesra UMNO Debat Dalam Bahasa Arab
- Interview with U Wirathu, the leader of 969 Movement
- မႏၱေလးတိုင္း ျပင္ဦးလြင္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ၉၆၉ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ အၾကမ္းဖက္ဂိုဏ္း လႈပ္ရွားမႈ
- Pulsating Passion Personified
- ဘာသာညီအစ္ကိုမ်ား ( ေ႐ႊက်င္သာသနာပိုင္ ဝါဆို ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီး)
- ဗမာ အစိုးရ နွင့္ ဝီရသူ ရဲ႕ ၉၆၉ ပါတီ တို ့ရဲ႕ ႀကံစည္မႈ
- ဝီရသူ ဗလီေတြကုိ ဖ်က္တဲ့အခါ လွ်ိဳ႕ဝွက္ေျမေအာက္ခန္းေတြ ေတြ႔မိလား?
- Barang Pelik Datuk Najib
- Examples of Anti-Muslim Propaganda by Burma Campaign UK
- A Dangerous Resurgence of Communal Violence in Myanmar
- Kristallnacht in Myanmar
- 10 Biggest Lies about Myanmar politics and international policies
- Burma is changing, but not towards a simple state of freedom
- မိတီၳလာ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈ ၉၆၉ နဲ႔ ဆက္ႏြယ္ေနပါတယ္
Posted: 30 Mar 2013 09:11 AM PDT
Posted: 30 Mar 2013 11:05 AM PDT
SPRM dan Peguam Negara Hina Mahkamah
Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia (SPRM) dan Kerajaan Malaysia didakwa menghina keputusan mahkamah apabila gagal menyiarkan permohonan maaf kepada Menteri Besar, Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim di dalam akhbar bahasa Inggeris.
Ini selepas bekas Ketua Pesuruhjaya Datuk Seri Ahmad Said Hamdan gagal menyiarkan permohonan maaf beliau sejajar dengan persetujuan yang dicapai di dalam mahkamah tinggi Kuala Lumpur 19 Mac lalu.
Persetujuan itu direkodkan di hadapan hakim, Datuk Lau Bee Lian di dalam kes saman Abdul Khalid terhadap Ahmad Said. Kes itu berkenaan kenyataan bekas pesuruhjaya itu empat tahun lalu tentang sumbangan lembu korban di kawasan parlimen Bandar Tun Razak.
Antara terma persetujuan itu ialah Ahmad Said melafazkan permohonan maaf di mahkamah terbuka dan menyiarkan permohonan maaf tersebut di muka depan akhbar The New Straits Times dan The Star dalam tempoh empat (4) hari dari 19 Mac.
Bagaimanapun Abdul Khalid dalam satu kenyataan berkata, Ahmad Said, SPRM dan Kerajaan Malaysia bersikap liar dan tidak bertanggungjawab apabila dengan sengaja tidak menunaikan perintah tersebut.
"Mereka sehingga hari ini masih gagal melaksanakannya walaupun peguam saya telah menuntut defendan berbuat demikian.
"Ahmad Said, SPRM dan Kerajaan Malaysia secara terang-terangan telah menghina mahkamah kerana dengan sengaja tidak mematuhi dan menghormati perintah mahkamah," katanya di dalam satu kenyataan.
Pada 19 Mac, Ahmad Said memohon maaf secara terbuka di dalam mahkamah kepada Abdul Khalid dan menarik balik kenyataan yang diberikan dan diterbitkan pada 21 Februari 2009 oleh pihak media.
Pada 2009, Ahmad Said mendakwa bahawa Abdul Khalid telah menyalahgunakan kuasanya untuk menderma sejumlah RM 110,400 bagi tujuan membeli 46 ekor lembu korban sempena Hari Raya Aidiladha di Bandar Tun Razak pada tahun yang sama.
Susulan daripada dakwaan itu, SPRM telah memulakan siasatan dan mendapati tidak ada unsur salahgunakuasa atau penyelewengan di dalam pembelian itu.
Tegas Abdul khalid, sikap melampau kedua-dua defendan ini bertujuan menghina beliau secara berterusan selaku mangsa kepada kata-kata berunsur fitnah. Sehubungan itu, beliau telah mengarahkan peguam, Sankara Nair untuk memulakan satu prosiding penghinaan mahkamah terhadap Ahmad Said, SPRM dan Kerajaan Malaysia.
"Tindakan defendan ini selari dengan sikap kerajaan Umno-BN yang telah memperkotak-katikkan badan kehakiman Malaysia.
"Mengingkari perintah mahkamah dilakukan tanpa sedikit pun rasa kesal kerana beranggapan kedudukan mereka mengatasi undang-undang di negara ini," katanya lagi.
Mereka penjaga dan pelaksana undang-undang. Tetapi apabila terkena batang hidung mereka sendiri, mereka enggan untuk menerima dan mematuhinya.
Itu sudah menjadi tabiat dan pe'el golongan UMNO dan para pencacainya.
Lihat saja kes Ketua Pemuda UMNO yang bernama Khairy Jamaluddin di dalam pembohongannya berhubung syarat penyelesaian (settlement terms) yang dimeterai dalam kes saman fitnah Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim terhadap beliau.
Pada awalnya Khairy menarik balik kenyataan beliau pada 2007 yang memfitnah Anwar sebagai pengkhianat Melayu, 'boneka' Amerika dan Yahudi.
Tetapi kerana takut malu dan dituduh bacul oleh kumpulannya, beliau memutar dan membelitkan lidahnya dengan menyatakan 'beliau tidak menarik balik kenyataannya ke atas Anwar, tetapi cuma berkata apa yang dipetik itu tidak betul dan tidak tepat'.
Beliau juga cuba gambarkan seolah-olah Anwar pula yang memohon perkara itu diselesaikan di luar mahkamah kerana bimbang dengan perbicaraan penuh.
kasihan sungguh golongan ini kerana mereka tidak tahu KEBENARAN itu tidak boleh disembunyikan.
Apabila kerajaan dan orang-orangnya sudah tidak lagi menghormati keputusan mahkamah, hukum kebenaran dan keadilan akan mengambil tempatnya. Tuhan sendiri yang akan menghukum mereka. Itu keyakinan orang yang beriman kepadaNya!
Posted: 30 Mar 2013 08:59 AM PDT
On the tenth anniversary of the invasion of Iraq, the back-and-forth recriminations continue, but in all the "not me" defenses, we have forgotten, over the ensuing decade, the climate of 2003 and why we invaded in the first place. The war was predicated on six suppositions.
In this context, the end of the 1991 Gulf War loomed large: Its denouement had led not to the removal of a defeated Saddam, but to mass slaughter of Kurds and Shiites. Twelve years of no-fly zones had seen periods of conflict, and the enforcement of those zones no longer enjoyed much, if any, international support — suggesting that Saddam would soon be able to reclaim his regional stature. Many of the architects or key players in the 1991 war were once again in power in Washington, and many of them had in the ensuing decade become remorseful about the ending of the prior conflict.
The sense of the need to correct a mistake became all the more potent after 9/11. Most Americans have now forgotten that by 2003, most of the books published on the 1991 war were critical, faulting the unnecessary overkill deployment; the inclusion of too many allies, which hampered U.S. choices; the shakedown of allies to help defray the cost; the realist and inhumane ending to the conflict; the ongoing persecution of Shiites, Marsh Arabs, and Kurds; and the continuation of Saddam Hussein in power.Since there was no direct connection between Osama bin Laden and Saddam, take away the security apprehensions following 9/11, and George Bush probably would not have taken the risk of invading Iraq.
By the same token, had the 1991 Gulf War ended differently, or had the U.N. and the NATO allies continued to participate fully in the no-fly zones and the containment of Iraq, there likewise would not have been a 2003 invasion. The Iraq War was predicated, rightly or wrongly, on the notion that the past war with Saddam had failed and containment would fail, and that after 9/11 it was the proper time to end a sponsor of global terrorism that should have been ended in 1991 — a decision that, incidentally, would save Kurdistan and allow it to turn into one of the most successful and pro-American regions in the Middle East.
2. Afghanistan. A second reason was the rapid victory in the war in Afghanistan immediately following 9/11. Scholars and pundits had warned of disaster on the eve of the October 2001 invasion. Even if it was successful in destroying the rule of the Taliban, any chance of postwar stability was declared impossible, given the "graveyard of empires" reputation of that part of the world. But the unforeseen eight-week war that with ease removed the Taliban, and the nonviolent manner in which the pro-Western Hamid Karzai later assumed power, misled the administration and the country into thinking Iraq would be a far less challenging prospect — especially given Iraq's humiliating defeat in 1991, which had contrasted sharply with the Soviet failure in Afghanistan.
After all, in contrast to Afghanistan, Iraq had accessible ports, good weather, flat terrain, a far more literate populace, and oil — facts that in the ensuing decade, ironically, would help to explain why David Petraeus finally achieved success there in a manner not true of his later efforts in Afghanistan. Since the U.S. had seemingly succeeded in two months where the Soviets had abjectly failed in a decade, and given that we already had once trounced Saddam, it seemed likely that Iraq would follow the success of Afghanistan.
History is replete with examples of such misreadings of the past: The French in 1940 believed that they could hold off the Germans as they had for four years in the First World War; the Germans believed the Russians would be as weak at home in 1941 as they had seemed sluggish abroad in Poland and Finland in 1939–40. Had Afghanistan proved as difficult at the very beginning of the war as it did at the end, the U.S. probably would not have invaded Iraq. National Review
Posted: 30 Mar 2013 07:07 AM PDT
How many of you have been caught in a turmoil when trying to decide between two choices?
In the political sphere, Malaysians have to choose between BN and PR, and many just cannot wait to vote.
However, in life - deciding which is the better option is not as easy as voting.
My son has to choose between whether to continue to work in Kuala Lumpur or to return to Penang.....
I never really knew that the decision-making process would be such a painful and tormentous one for him until he told me why he wrote this song to express musically the dilemma he felt in that decision making process. When he first told me about this song, I was more concerned that he pronounced 'dilemma' correctly haha...
In fact, I did not see things from his perspective and could only tell him all the points from my viewpoint and the benefits he could enjoy e.g. I could do his laundry, take care of him, ensure he had wholesome and healthy meals and start something exciting in Penang with him etc. Honestly, I could not fathom why he could not see and appreciate these 'benefits' until I watched him perform live last night.
When practising at home, Jon just used his violin but last night at Penpac, Jon used lots of effect pedals for this piece which is in full-blown effect from 2:04 of the recording.
And I felt the turmoil. And I realized the deep anguish he must have been feeling all this while.
The spiralling confusion thanks to the wow effects pedal.
The mental pain, torment and his struggle to do what he wants or what his parents want...
I suddenly realized and had a glimpse of his emotional turmoil and how difficult it must be for him to listen to me droning and not acknowledging his longing to realize his dreams in the musical sphere and to hone his skills by playing with other talented musicians in KL rather than in Penang which sadly has quite a sterile musical scene....
Suffice to say it is not easy to be a mother. To love, I guess it means to let go....Yes, it is difficult for him to cope. Yes, it pains me to see him work so hard till he is so skinny...not easy to survive in KL and one has to work hard...And I guess I have to see beyond what a mother sees.
I have to see his world, his dreams - through his eyes....
It was not easy to let him chase his own dreams in music when I wanted him to do law or accounting but because I love him, I let him pursue what he loves....
And I guess I have to give up asking him to come back to Penang and to respect his decision to stay in KL for now....even though we miss him so much, even though it breaks my heart and makes me cry even when typing this.
So ironical that it took a public performance of my son's composition for this message to hit home.
But I am glad it did.
I am sure many mothers are likely to agree with me that our babies are always our babies no matter how big they are....
Jon, I love you and am very proud of you...Chase your dreams, be happy and do what you know is right...and that may not necessarily be what we want for you....but we love you the same regardless!!!!
Here is Beat in the Street performing "Stalemate" composed by Jon....
Do check out Pulsating Passion Personified if you have time.Thanks!
Posted: 30 Mar 2013 06:51 AM PDT
Posted: 30 Mar 2013 07:51 AM PDT
Seorang ahli DAP mempelawa secara terbuka dua ulama mesra UMNO berdebat tentang isu haram menyokong DAP.
Malah, ahli DAP tersebut turut mencabar kedua-dua agamawan itu berdebat dalam bahasa Arab bagi membuktikan kewibawaan mereka yang menjadi sandaran UMNO.
Syed Araniri Syed Ahmad Al-Idrus, yang juga pengerusi cawangan, mencabar ulama mesra UMNO Kamal Saidin (Pegawai Khas Agama Menteri Besar Terengganu) dan Abdullah Samaah (Pengasas Pondok Getting, Tumpat, Kelantan) berdebat mengenai status umat Islam yang dianggap berdosa serta haram jika mengundi DAP pada Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-13 (PRU13) kelak.
Syed Araniri melalui sepucuk surat cabaran debat bertarikh 26 Mac 2013 berkata insiatif itu wajar bagi merungkai beberapa kenyataan yang dibuat oleh kedua-dua agamawan itu dalam siri ceramah politik masing-masing baru-baru ini.
"Saya, Pengerusi DAP Cawangan Taman Wira yang mana semua ahlinya adalah 100 peratus Melayu berasa terpanggil dan merasakan kenyataan saudara berdua adalah berunsur politik dan hanya sebagai fatwa murahan untuk kepentingan saudara berdua sahaja.
"Saya juga mencadangkan agar debat ini dilakukan secara terbuka di mana-mana saja saudara inginkan dalam tempoh 14 hari," ujar pemimpin DAP tersebut yang dipetik daripada Facebook.
Posted: 30 Mar 2013 05:58 AM PDT
The Irrawaddy, March 29 2013
Monk Wirathu Seen with Ex-General Khin Nyut Recently
U Wirathu, 45-year-old Buddhist monk from Masoyein Monastery, Mandalay, who has been recently famous for spreading anti-Muslim sentiments and organizing the 969 campaign, was arrested in 2003 and sentenced to twenty-five years imprisonment for having distributed hate-speech documents that had led to the racial and religious conflicts. He was set free in 2012 January from the Myitkyinar Prison (with the presidential pardon). He lead demonstrations for imprisoned monks in March 2012. He also led the demonstrations against the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) in October 2012. Thar Lon Zawn Htet interviewed him regarding the recent religious conflicts.
Q: The government announced that the death toll in Meikhtila conflict has reached up to forty-two. You also went to Meikhtila and tried to halt the rioters, so, why do you think that many people had died there?
A: Heavy casualties occurred on the second day (March 21), when trapped Muslims, mainly students from a Muslim religious school and a few civilians, died. The quarter administration authorities had hidden them and provided necessary securities. When the securities left around 4 am, those hiding Muslims became frenzied, yelling out aloud. So, the mob noticed that they were hiding there, and surrounded them. For them, on their left is the Mosque, right the burnt area, and opposite to them is a hummock. So, simply there was nowhere for them to escape. While the mob was approaching them, one of them started shooting a monk with the slingshot. That made the Burmese (Buddhists) uncontrolled. As the mob got nearer, they (Muslims) threw the mob with acid bags. Until then, there was no riot – Burmese (Buddhists) were just staring at them and they were throwing with things at the mob. That's it. I was there in Meikhtila on that day. I got there on 20th night. Me, Min Ko Naing and Shwenyawar Monk were there in Meikhtila then. In that situation, about 20 of them got out from their place and fought with the Burmese mob. Then the casualties occurred. Nine, ten or eleven people died on the spot. During the riot, the security-forces covered and took the rest of them. It was there where many died at one place. The rest was just arson, setting on fire at each other. One person died here, another there. The group casualty was only there.
Q: The United Nation's Myanmar envoy Mr. Vijay Nambiar and International Press Media say the Meikhtila riot was a planned violence. May I know your opinion regarding that?
A: Nothing was planned and systematic on the first two days. Actually, those who were systematic were Muslims from Kalar (a derogatory term for Muslims or Indians) Quarter. They had sticks, knives and weapons, and attacked any Burmese they saw. On hearing the news of the death of a monk, the Burmese (Buddhist) mob just went there to the Kalar Quarter, indeed they were unarmed. Only one in ten had a stick taken from the demolished houses, nothing else. As they (Muslims) chopped the mob with knives, two died and about sixteen got injured. So those who systemically planned were from Muslim quarters. Nothing was planned until the second day. It was like "The frog dies as it shouts".
Q: Now the international media use the word Buddhist extremist regarding "969" campaign. Could you please explain us the meaning of "969" ?
A: Alright. The first 9 stands for the 9 attributes of the Lord Buddha, second number 6 for the 6 attributes of the Buddhist teachings, and the third 9 stands for the 9 attributes of Sanghas (Monks). So they stand for the attributes of three Treasures of Buddhism – The Lord Buddha, his teachings and the monk. Like the other symbols of Buddhism such as "Buddhan Saranan", "Arahan" or "Dhamma Sekya", this "969" is also just a Buddhist symbol. Now the blame on "969" as the culprit is just ungrounded accuse, as they cannot prove anyone guilty, they are just accusing. There was not even a paper about 969 in Meikhtila. No one had distributed this there. When I delivered a sermon there, I just distributed only about 25 stickers. Those stickers were meant only to "Save Our Future", that's it. For that, they are accusing "969". Nothing is related. "969" is indeed attributes of Buddhism. It is innocent.
Q: Muslim houses and mosques in Pegu (Bago) division were destroyed. On the destroyed houses and cars, the logo "969" was written in green (ink). What is your comment on the demolition of mosques and the writing of "969" on the ruins?
A: I am not actually sure of what exactly has been happening in Pegu (Bago) Division, as I do not have contact with the locals there. In the places where I am controlling and organizing, there is no problem as the process is under my control and it is going accordingly with my vision and mission. I have been dealing with many cases between Burmese (Buddhist) and Muslims. Most of them are rape cases – to the underage Grade 4 and Grade 7-student girls. And some cases are like physical fighting and religious assaults – even the cases of abusing the monk, illegal mosques, annexing mosques, and regarding Muslim cemeteries. I have been entrusted for more than 50 cases, and summing up the cases that I am giving advice on the telephone, there are over 1000 cases. As I am guiding people to handle these legally, even the elder monks and people listen to me. As things are being handled lawfully, there has been no problem in the case that I know of. In our circles or communities, real "969" does not do anything violent.
Q: The Ministry of Religious Affairs in Naypyidaw says that "969" is not a registered or officially accepted Buddhist religious Symbol. We would like to know your view on this.
A: Yes, we are just distributing with all efforts that we can, with all what we know of. We are not officially registering and distributing that. For instance, someone prepares this, someone makes some financial support, and someone distributes this, so we are not commercializing this by registering at the government or state level.
Q: In your sermon titled "Don't think lightly for our Nationals", you mentioned Daw Aung San Suu Kyi cannot do anything (for the wellbeing of Burmese Buddhist) and NLD is not " Khuddaung" [Fighting Peacock – which is the symbol of the National League for Democracy, NLD] anymore but has become " Muddaung" (Muslim Peacock – meaning that NLD is under the influence of Muslims.) Can you elaborate us about that?
A: I have always supported Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. But when the Rakhine incident broke out, (I find that) Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was not reliable. That's why I assume that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi became silent because of the people around her, who could approach her. And also, in many towns, the persons in charge in NLD offices are Muslims. Because of them, when Burmese (Buddhists) went to the offices, they had to just turn back. In some towns, the house-owners (of the NLD office) are Muslims, and so (the NLD members) dare not even offer food to the monks in occasions such as Martyr's Day due to the fact that the house-owner didn't allow them. These are the reasons why I stated Khuddaung has become Muddaung.
Regarding Min Ko Naing and the 88 Generations, I expected a lot from them as they are the second most powerful group (in people's admiration or as the government opposition). But they are also not very much reliable in Rakhine Crisis. As an organization, they did not stand for the people I would say. Some of them personally said something, and had a press conference when they returned from the humanitarian aids trip from Rakhine State, and that was all. No statement was seen declaring that Rohyngyas are not Myanmar ethnics or, condemning the massacre of Rakhines by the Banghalis. So, Min Ko Naing, who has claimed himself as always stands for the Truth or Justice (Damma) and against the Injustice (A-Damma), actually did not stand for the Justice in Rakhine. I pointed out these in my sermons.
Q: In your sermons, you say not to buy from Muslim shops with "786" logos. Doesn't it make discrimination against religions or races, and wouldn't it lead to the mistrust and hatred amongst the different societies?
A: Well, well. This is not the way of we Burmese (Buddhists). It is their Muslim's way. They do practice that. You go around the city and look for that, how many Muslims are good customers of the Burmese (Buddhists)? If they buy only from Muslims themselves, we should also do the same. Let's say, if we had bought only from each other, we would not have experienced such assaults. Even if there are some little disputes, it may not be worse than that, may not lead do such crises at the National level. Now, we didn't buy from the gold shop owned by us (Burmese Buddhist) and we were insulted as a consequence. Such insults lead problems in the national level. So it is not discrimination, but it is only protection of our people.
Q: Now the riots and crises have spread, and both communities have had their fears and concerns. What would you suggest to eradicate these?
A: I am always suggesting for these. Since I was released from the prison, I have been advising the Muslim community, until now, even last night. We need to work together to solve these problems. Muslims need to organize the leader groups, and so do we Burmese (Buddhists). In case of any problems, these leaders should take prompt and severe actions for their own community. If the action has been taken and yet the other side still goes on with the violence, each side need to stand before their people and try to solve the problems. In this the whole world will be peaceful.
Q: In the president's speech yesterday on the recent Meihktila Crisis, he mentioned that necessary actions would be taken for those who are utilizing the religion as a tool, and misguiding people to the extremes, and leading to the hatred growth between peoples of different creeds. I would like to know your opinion for that.
A: Yes, serious actions need to be taken. Rather than the prominent activists, it will be more effective to take actions to those who are trying to divide people with propagandas. For instance, Mawlawis (Islamic religious teachers or leaders). They are teaching children, and they instill hatred in children. The way Muslim children look at the monks is like as if we are their enemies. The way they look at Burmese (Buddhists) people is as if we are their enemies.
So, such people who are brainwashing children and dividing people need to be revealed and, serious actions should be imposed.
Posted: 30 Mar 2013 05:53 AM PDT
၉၆၉ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ အၾကမ္းဖက္ဂိုဏ္း လႈပ္ရွားမႈ ႏွင့္ ျပင္ဦးလြင္ျမိဳ႕ အေျခအေန
မတ္လ ၂၉ ရက္ – ျပင္ဦးလြင္
မႏၱေလးတိုင္း ျပင္ဦးလြင္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ယခုရက္သတၱတစ္ပတ္အတြင္း လူအခ်ဳိ႕မွ မြတ္စလင္ဆိုင္မ်ားကို က်ဴးလြန္ရန္စျခင္းမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ေနသည္ကို သတင္းရရွိပါသည္။ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ရက္အနည္းငယ္က ျပင္ဦးလြင္ၿမိဳ႕အဝင္ရွိ AM စက္သံုးဆီအေရာင္းဆိုင္တြင္ ဓာတ္ဆီလာထည့္ၿပီး ဆိုင္အလုပ္သမားေလးမွ ဆီဖိုး ငါးေထာင္ေတာင္းရာ လာထည့္သူက ပိုက္ဆံမေပးေတာ့ မင္းကဘာလုပ္ခ်င္လည္းဟု ရန္စကားေျပာရာ ဆိုင္ရွင္မွ ျပႆနာမျဖစ္ခ်င္၍ မေပးလည္းေနပါ၊ ရန္မရွာရန္ ေျပာဆိုလြတ္လိုက္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ျပင္ဦးလြင္ ေစ်းႀကီးထဲရွိ ဖန္စီပစၥည္းေရာင္းသည့္ ဆိုင္တစ္ဆိုင္တြင္လည္း ေခါင္းရြက္မုန္႕သည္ အမ်ဳိးသမီး တစ္ဦးက ခဏနားမည္ဆို၍ ဆိုင္ရိပ္တြင္ ေပးနားလိုက္သည္။ ထိုေစ်းသည္မွ သူေရာင္းသည့္ မုန္႕အခ်ဳိတခ်ဳိ႕ကို ထိုဆိုင္မွ အလုပ္သမေလးမ်ားကို အတင္းေကၽြးသျဖင့္ ေကာင္မေလးမ်ားက ယူစားလိုက္သည္။ ထို႕ေနာက္ မုန္႕ဖိုးငါးေထာင္က်ေၾကာင္း ေတာင္းသျဖင့္ အေဒၚႀကီး ဒီမုန္႕ေလးက ဘယ္လိုျဖစ္လို႕ ငါးေထာင္က်သလဲ ဟုျပန္ေမးရာ ေစ်းသည္မွ ျမတ္စြာဘုရား၊ မုန္႕စားၿပီး ပိုက္ဆံမေပးဘူးဟုု ေအာ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ ဆိုင္ရွင္မွ ျပႆနာတက္မည္စိုးသျဖင့္ ေငြသံုးေထာင္ေပး၍ လြတ္လိုက္ရသည္။
ဒီေန႕လည္း လူသံုးေယာက္ လာရႈိးလမ္းမရွိ မြတ္စလင္ပိုင္ Bravo စတိုးတြင္ အဝတ္အထည္အခ်ဳိ႕ကို ယူ၍ ပိုက္ဆံမေပးပဲ ထြက္သြားရာ ဆိုင္မွပိုက္ဆံမေပးရေသးေၾကာင္း လိုက္ေျပာေသာအခါ မေပးေတာ့ ဘာလုပ္ခ်င္လည္း ဟုျပန္ေမးပါသည္။ မြတ္စလင္အမ်ားစုမွာ မိတၳီလာတြင္ အေရာင္အဝယ္တစ္ခုမွ စျဖစ္သည့္ ျပႆနာေလးကို အေၾကာင္းျပၿပီး လူေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ အသက္ဆံုးရႈံးခဲ့ရသည့္ အၾကမ္းဖက္ တိုက္ခိုက္ခံရမႈႀကီး ေလာေလာလတ္လတ္ ျဖစ္ထားသည့္အတြက္ မ်ားစြာစိုးရိမ္ေၾကာင့္က်လ်က္ ရွိၾကသျဖင့္ မေတာ္မတရားလုပ္ေနသည္ကိုပင္ ရန္ပဲြမျဖစ္ေစရန္ ဂရုတစိုက္ ေရွာင္ရွားၾကသည္။ ထိုကဲ့သို႕ ပစၥည္းယူၿပီး ေငြမေပးပဲ ရန္စကားေျပာသည္ကိုပင္ ျပႆနာမျဖစ္ခ်င္၍ ပစၥည္းအဆံုးခံလိုက္သည္။
ယေန႕ေန႕လည္ ေသာၾကာေန႕ဝတ္ျပဳအၿပီး ဗလီမ်ားမွ ေဂါပကႏွင့္ အႀကီးအကဲအခ်ဳိ႕ကို အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမႉးက ေခၚယူေတြ႕စံုၿပီး ဒီရက္ပိုင္း ျပႆနာရွာသူမ်ား ရွိလာပါက ျပန္လည္၍ ရန္တံု့ျပန္ျခင္း မျပဳဘဲ သည္းခံၾကရန္ ညႊန္ၾကားသည္ဟု သတင္းရရွိပါသည္။
ျပင္ဦးလြင္ၿမိဳ႕သည္ ေရွးအစဥ္အဆက္ ဘာသာလူမ်ဳိး စံုလင္စြာျဖင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ အတူယွဥ္တဲြေနထိုင္လာခဲ့ၾကၿပီး၊ လူမ်ဳိးေရး ဘာသာေရး ျပႆနာ မရွိခဲ့ဘူးေသာ အစဥ္အလာ ေကာင္းသည့္ ၿမိဳ႕ေလးျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ ၿမိဳ႕ေနလူအမ်ားစုသည္ မည္သည့္ျပႆနာမွ မျဖစ္ေပၚေစခ်င္ပဲ ေအးေအးခ်မ္းခ်မ္း ေနခ်င္ၾကသည္။ ေအးခ်မ္းလွသည့္ ၿမိဳ႕ကေလးကို ဤကဲ့သို႕ ရန္စေစာ္ကားမႈမ်ားမွတဆင့္ အက်ည္းတန္လွသည့္ ျပႆနာမ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚမလာေစရန္ သက္ဆိုင္ရာ တာဝန္ရွိသူမ်ားမွ အခ်ိန္မီွ ကာကြယ္ထိမ္းသိမ္းေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေပးေစရန္ ၿမိဳ႕ခံလူ အမ်ားစုက ဆႏၵရွိေနၾကပါသည္ဟု သတင္းရရွိပါသည္။
Posted: 30 Mar 2013 04:24 AM PDT
'Beat in the Street' was the opening act for IndiePG's concert on 29th March, 2013. An original concept, Beat in the Street trio comprises my son Jonathan Khor (violinist), Joshua Yam (guitar) and Sam Lim Seong Peng (cajon). They bring together various genres of music ranging from jazz, blues, fusion, folk etc. in their original compositions and presentations of other songs.
Last night, they presented four songs namely Flux (composed by Jon), Stalemate (also composed by Jon), Stand and Stare (composed by Joshua) and untitled theme song (composed by the group before Christmas). The group and their signature song have evolved through the months into a new piece. I will be posting both versions in the future for you to can see how the group always tries to make better music each time they get together.
Classically trained in both the piano and violin, Jon was greatly influenced by contemporary music from the time he was in Form 1. When he aced his PMR, I bought him an electric guitar and amplifier which sparked his serious interest in contemporary music. Subsequently, he graduated with a degree in contemporary music (violin and guitar). At the age of six, one of Jon's compositions was an entry for a JMC music writing competition in Japan. Although he did not win, that was the starting point of his song-writing path. Then till today, he composes in his head as notating his compositions is not his cup of tea.
By the time he finished the Yamaha Junior Music Course when he was six, Jon was identified as a musically precocious child and selected for the prestigious Junior Special Advanced Course after a gruelling performance and interview after which - together with two other girls. He attended two JSAC classes weekly - ensemble and piano apart from attending the usual ABRSM classes for piano, violin (practical and theory). Unfortunately, I had to stop his JSAC classes when I was expecting my second child. However, he did finish his his ABRSM examinations till Grade 8 for both violin and piano.
Joshua, an engineer, son of a pastor and valedictorian was the drum major in his school who led the school band to victory in several state competitions and drum battles. A guitarist and drummer, Joshua also composes. Previously, he performed with several other bands during secondary school and college days. He loves all types of music except metal and has collaborated with Jon in other musical pursuits in previous bands.
Sam, also an engineer and Christian, is another all-rounder. Apart from playing the piano, he played the violin with the Penang Symphony orchestra and the saxophone for the school band. In church, he plays the drums with the church worship team.
Spontaneity is the rule and they dare to break boundaries of musical form because of their uninhibited expression of music bursting from their hearts, souls and spirits. United with one aim to make beautiful music together, their practices in my home are serious yet fun, wholesome yet intense at times - punctuated with in-between rest breaks of pure improvisations from basic melody lines and believe it or not - word games that I created and hope to market if and when a kind soul can convert into an android applications.
Jon and Sam have been schoolmates from first grade while Joshua was their classmate in secondary school days. They all have a burning passion for music and it has been an exciting journey to witness the emergence and development of raw musical talent. Clearly, their strong bond of friendship forged when young has enabled them to flow and play together in unity and harmony and to discuss variations, interpretations or improvisations in their music. The rhythmic feel for music is one that is united - hence their music is tightly performed - slick and savvy.
The guest singer, Tiffany, was Jon's college mate before he left to study music in 2008. Unbelievably, she goes with the flow so naturally and only had two occasions to practise with them for this concert. She wrote the lyrics for 'Flux' and is a natural born singer.
Young, energetic, talented and vibrant, I pray there will be openings for Beat in the Street in the future and most importantly, that they will makes waves in the Malaysian music scene soon.
Here's the final number that was performed for the first time in public yesterday. Jon uses various kinds of effect pedals. This evening, my son will be performing with Joe Loy from Kuala Lumpur. I recorded their performances with two cameras simultaneously and am very tired hence I have not updated my blog till now.
Without further ado, here's Penang's homegrown musical talent Beat in the Street performing Jon's composition Flux with much pulsating passion for music. This was recorded via my handphone video camera. The file from my camera, which should be a better recording, has yet to be uploaded.
Do check out Stalemate if you have time. Thanks!!
Posted: 30 Mar 2013 05:18 AM PDT
((သက္ေတာ္ ၉၆ႏွစ္ ဝါေတာ္ ၇၆ႏွစ္႐ွိၿပီျဖစ္ေသာ ေ႐ႊက်င္သာသနာပိုင္ ဝါဆို ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီး၏ ကေလာင္အမည္ မႏၱေလးဘုန္းႀကီး အမည္ျဖင့္ ျပည္တြင္းၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏႈိးေဆာ္ခ်က္။ ဆရာေတာ္ထံမွ ျဖန္႔ခ်ိရန္ ခြင့္ျပဳခ်က္အရ ျပန္လည္ ေဝမွ်ပါသည္))
ခရစ္ယာန္ဘာသာ ၊ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ ၊ ဟိႏၵဴဘာသာ ၊ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ ဟူေသာ ဘာသာၾကီးေလးရပ္အနက္ ကမၻာ ့လူဦးေရ သန္းေပါင္း ေၿခာက္ေထာင္ရွိရာ ခရစ္ယာန္ဘာသာ သန္းေပါင္း ႏွစ္ေထာင့္တစ္ရာ၊ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ သန္းေပါင္းတစ္ေထာင့္သံုးရာ ၊ ဟိႏၵဴဘာသာ သန္းေပါင္းတစ္ေထာင္ ၊ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ သန္းေပါင္းသံုးရာ ခုႏွစ္ဆယ့္ေၿခာက္သန္းစာရင္းကို ေတြ ့ဖုူး၏ ။
က်န္ဦးေရ တစ္ခ်ိုဳ ့ဘာသာမဲ ့ေနၾက၏။ တစ္ခ်ိဳ ့နတ္ကိုးကြယ္၏။ ဤသို ့ၾကားဖူး၏။ ကမၻာ့တိုက္ၾကီးေလးတိုက္ အာရွတိုက္၊ ဥေရာပတိုက္ စသည္ ကမၻာအရပ္ရပ္ ဘာသာစံုၿပန္ ့ႏွံ ့လွ်က္ရွိ၏။ ဗုဒၶဘာသာတုိ ့အတြက္ ဗုဒၶဘုရားက ေမတၱာကို အထူးဦးစားေပး ေဟာခဲ ့ေသာ္လည္း တစ္ခ်ိဳ ့ ဗုဒၶဘာသာတုိ ့သည္ ဘာသာၿခားတုိ ့အေပၚ ေမတၱာမထားႏိုင္ၾကဘဲ မုန္းတီးေရးဝါဒကို ဖန္တီးလိုၾက၏။
ဘဝရွင္မင္းတုန္းမင္းတရားၾကီးလက္ထက္ ဘာသာၿခားတုိ ့သည္ မႏၱေလးၿမိဳ ့ကစ၍ အလွ်ိဳ အလွ်ိဳ ဝင္ေရာက္လာၾက၏။ တားမရ ဆီိးမႏိုင္ၿဖစ္၍ ဗုဒၶဘာသာဝါဒ ေမတၱာ ကရုဏာကို လက္သံုးၿပဳလ်က္ ေသနတ္ပစ္အတတ္ ၊ အေၿမာက္ပစ္အတတ္ကို တတ္ေၿမာက္ရန္ သင္ၾကားေစကာ တတ္ေၿမာက္သည္ ့အခါ ကာကြယ္ေရးဌာန ဝန္ထမ္းလုပ္ေစလွ်က္ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာဝင္ မြတ္စလင္မ္လူမ်ိဳးတို ့ကို သိမ္းသြင္း စည္းရုံးထားသည္ ၾကားဖူး၏။
ေရွးအခါထိုစဥ္က ေစ်းခ်ိဳအေရွ ့ဘက္ကိုပင္ အေၿမာက္တန္းဟု ေခၚတြင္ေစလ်က္ မြတ္စလင္မ္လူမ်ိဳးတို ့ စုရုံးေနထိုင္ၾက၏။ ၁၂၄၇- ခုႏွစ္၊ ၿမန္မာသကၠရာဇ္ အဂၤလိပ္မင္း အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သည္ ့အခါ မြတ္စလင္မ္ေခၚ အစၥလာမ္လူမ်ိဳး ခရစ္ယာန္လူမ်ိိဳးတို ့ ပိုမိုမ်ားၿပားလာ၏။ ၿမန္မာအမ်ိဳးသမီးတို ့ ဘာသာၿခားလူမ်ိဳး၊ ႏိုင္ငံရပ္ၿခားလူမ်ိဳးတို ့ႏွင့္ စုလ်ားရစ္ပတ္ လက္ထပ္ထိမ္းၿမားၾက၏ ။ ဘာသာၿခားလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားၿပားလာ၏ ။
အလြန္ၾကည့္ေကာင္းေသာ ရူခ်င္ဖြယ္ ၿမန္မာၿပည္ကို သံုးသပ္ၾကည္ ့ရူရာတြင္ ၁၂၈၂ – ခုႏွစ္ဆီေလာက္က ပညာေရးတိုက္ပြဲမ်ား ေအာင္ၿမင္စေပၚလာသည္။ အဂၤလိပ္မင္း ဘုရင္ခံလက္ေအာက္ ေနရေစကာမူ အမ်ိဳးေရး ၊ ဘာသာေရး ၊ သာသနာေရး တက္ၾကြလွုပ္ရွားလာ၏။ ၿမန္မာသကၠရာဇ္ ၁၂၆၀ – ဖြား ၆၁ -ခု ဖြားတုိ ့ကအစ အဂၤလိပ္ေက်ာင္းထြက္တို ့သည္ မ်က္စိပြင့္လာၾက၏ ။ ႏွလံုးရည္တုိက္ပြဲေပၚထြန္းလာ၏ ။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ ့အစည္းေတြ မ်ားၿပားလာ၏ ။ အထူးအားၿဖင့္ ၿမန္မာသကၠရာဇ္ ၁၂၇၁-ခု၊ ၇၂-ခု၊ ၁၂၇၃-ခု ဝန္းက်င္ႏွစ္မ်ားတြင္ ေမြးဖြားလာေသာပုဂၢိဳလ္တို ့ ေယာက်္ားအာဇာနည္ၿဖစ္လာၾက၏။
ထိုၿဖစ္ရပ္ အေတာအတြင္း ထုိႏွစ္မ်ား အေတာအတြင္း ၿမန္မာ့ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဆရာၾကီး ဦးရာဇတ္ လြတ္လပ္ေရး ဗိသုကာ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းတို ့ သမိုင္းကုိ စိတ္ထဲတြင္ ထင္းထင္းၾကီးေပၚေန၏ ။ ဒီးဒုတ္ဦးဘခ်ိဳ၊ ေဖ-ပု-ရွိန္ မႏၱေလး ဦးဘဦး စသည္ အလြန္အားကုိးရေသာ ႏု္ိင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီးေတြ အၿမဲသတိရ ဂုဏ္ေက်းဇူးေအာက္ေမ့ပါ၏။
အလြန္တက္ၾကြ ၾကီးက်ယ္ေသာ ရဟန္းရွင္လူၿပည္သူအမ်ား အလြန္ညီညြတ္ေသာ နဝမကြန္ဖရင့္ၾကီး္ဆုိတဲ ့ အဂၤလိပ္တိုက္ပြဲ လြတ္လပ္ေရးတုိုက္ပြဲ အစည္းအေဝးၾကီး မႏၱေလး တာရဲတန္းတြင္ ခုႏွစ္ရက္တုိင္တုိင္ က်င္းပၿပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္ဆုိသည္မွာလည္း ထုိေခတ္ ထုိႏွစ္ဆီကပင္ၿဖစ္၏ ။ ( နဝမ ကြန္ဖရင့္အေၾကာင္းကုိ မွတ္တမ္း မွတ္ရာၿပဳမယ္ဆုိလွ်င္ ဘုန္းၾကီးမ်ား မတတ္ႏုိင္ပါ။ မေရးႏုိင္ပါ။ ထိုမွတ္တမ္းသမိုင္းမ်ားကို ရွာေဖြလွန္ေလွာ ၾကည့္ၾကပါဟု တိုက္တြန္းလိုက္ပါ၏။
ထိုလြတ္လပ္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲ နဝမကြန္ဖရင့္၏ အထူးၿခားဆံုးၿဖစ္ရပ္တစ္ခုကို အထူးေၿပာၾကားလိုေသး၏။ ထိုပြဲၾကီးကို မႏ ၱေလး ေလးၿပင္ေလးရပ္ သံဃာေပါင္းစံု၊ တိုက္ေပါင္းစံု ပါဝင္ခဲ့ၿခင္းၿဖစ္ရပ္တစ္ခု၊
ေနာက္တစ္ခုကို အထူးသိေစလိုသည္မွာ မႏ ၱေလး ၿမန္မာ တရုတ္ ကုလား မြတ္စလင္ စေသာလူမ်ိဳးစံု၏။ ဤလြတ္လပ္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲေၾကာင့္ အဂၤလိပ္အစိုးရသည္ ၿမန္မာၿပည္လြတ္လပ္ေရးေပး စိတ္ၿဖစ္ေပၚလာသည္ဆိုေသာ သမိုင္းေၾကာင္းကို ဖြင့္ဆိုလိုက္ရေပ၏။
ရန္ကုန္ယူနီဗာစီတီ တကၠသိုလ္မွာ ေက်ာင္းတက္ေနေသာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းႏွင့္ ဆရာၾကီးဦးရာဇာတ္တို႕ ၿမန္မာၿပည္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရဘို႕ မၾကာခဏ ေဆြးေႏြးၾကသည္ ၾကားဖူးရ၏။
သူတို႕ႏွစ္ေယာက္စလံုး တူညီေသာ အယူအဆ ဆႏၵကိုေဖာ္ၿပရမည္ဆိုလွ်င္ -
၁။ ငါတို႕ ၿမန္မာၿပည္မွာ ေမြးဖြားတယ္
၂။ ငါတို႕ ၿမန္မာထမင္း အဟာရကို စားသံုးတယ္
၃။ ငါတုိ႕ ၿမန္မာၿပည္မွာ ေက်ာင္းေနတယ္
၄။ ငါတို႕ ၿမန္မာၿပည္မွာ ေနထိုင္သူၿဖစ္တယ္
၅။ ငါတုိ႕ အလုပ္သည္ ၿမန္မာၿပည္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရဘို႕ လုပ္ရမွာၿဖစ္တယ္။ ဤသို႕ႏွစ္ဦးလံုးစိတ္ထားၿခင္း တူၾက၏။
ဆရာၾကီး ဦးရာဇတ္သည္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းအေပၚ အလြန္ယံုၾကည္ အားကိုသလို ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္းဆန္း ကလည္း ဆရာၾကီးအေပၚ အလြန္ယံုၾကည္အားကိုးသည္။ ဆရာၾကီး ဦးရာဇတ္သည္ အထက (၂) ေရွးယခင္ ေန ရွင္နယ္အမ်ိဳးသားေက်ာင္းအုပ္ၾကီးၿဖစ္သည္။ လြတ္လပ္ေရးလမ္းစ ပ်ိဳးခင္းေထာင္ခဲ့ပံုမွာ ေနရွင္နယ္ေက်ာင္းၾကီး၌ "ရဲညြန္႕တပ္ဖြဲ႕" ဖြဲ႕စည္းလွ်က္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲကို လွ်ိဳ႕ဝွက္ဖြဲ႕စည္းတည္ခင္းၾကသည္ ေနာက္ အဂၤလိပ္အစုိးရ ရဲညြန္႕တပ္ဖြဲ႕ ရုပ္သိမ္းေစ၍ တားၿမစ္သည္ကို လက္ခံလိုက္ရသည္။
ဆရာၾကီး ဦးရာဇတ္သည္ မိတၳီလာဇာတိသား ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းသည္ နတ္ေမာက္ဇာတိသားၿဖစ္၍ တစ္ေၿမ တည္းေန တစ္ေရတည္းေသာက္ တစ္ခရီးတည္းသြားၾကေသာ အာဇာနည္ပုဂၢိဳလ္ၾကီး ႏွစ္ေယာက္ၿဖစ္သည္။ (သူတို႕ႏွစ္ေယာက္လံုး တၿပိဳင္နက္ အတူက်ဆံုးခဲ့ရသည္ကို ယခုထက္တိုင္ အံ့ၾသဝမ္းနည္းေနၾကရပါသည္။)
တစ္ေယာက္က မြတ္စလင္ အစၥလာမ္၊ တစ္ေယာက္က ဗုဒၶဘာသာၿဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း မင္းက ဘယ္ဘာသာ ငါက ဘယ္ဘာသာဟူ၍ ဘာသာႏွင့္စပ္၍ မေၿပာခဲ့စဖူးဟု သိရ၏။ ၿမန္မာၿပည္သားပီပီ ၿမန္မာၿပည္ လြတ္လပ္ေရး ရေရးကိုသာ တစုိက္မတ္မတ္လုပ္ခဲ့ၾကေသာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီးမ်ားၿဖစ္၍ ထိုေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီး ႏွစ္ဦးအပါအဝင္ အာဇာနည္ေၿမာက္မ်ား စြာတို႕ အသက္ေပး ေခြ်း ေသြးၿဖင့္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့ေသာ လြတ္လပ္ေရး ပန္းတိုင္ေအာက္မွာ ကြ်ႏု္ပ္တို႕ ရဟန္းရွင္လူၿပည္သူမ်ားစြာ ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္စြာ ေနထုိင္ၾကသည္မဟုတ္ပါေလာ။ ထိုသုိ႕ ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္စြာေနထိုင္စဥ္ "သခြပ္ပင္က မီးတက်ည္က်ည္ မၿဖစ္ၾကပါနဲ႔၊ မလုပ္ၾကပါနဲ႔" ဟူ၍ ဘုန္းၾကီးတစ္ပါးအေနၿဖင့္ ေတာင္းပန္စကားေၿပာၾကားရင္း လြတ္လပ္ေရးမဆံုးရွံဳးေစေရး ကုိ သတိေပးလိုက္ရပါသည္။
Posted: 30 Mar 2013 04:58 AM PDT
၉၆၉ ကို ပါတီ တစ္ခုအျဖစ္ ထူေထာင္ရန္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းေနေသာ ဗမာ အစိုးရ နွင့္ ဝီရသူ ကို အီရန္ ရဲ႕ အယာတိုလာ ခိုေမနီ လို ဘာသာေရး ဘုန္းႀကီး ရဲ႕ နိုင္ငံ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ ခြင့္ အာဏာ ေပးမယ္လို ့ အစိုးရက ကတိေပးခ့ဲ ျပီလား ……………………………………………………………………
solonight emperor @ Solonight Emparor
Posted: 30 Mar 2013 04:53 AM PDT
Posted: 30 Mar 2013 03:47 AM PDT
He knows that he is wrong but just giving lame excuses to use Hate Speech as a stepping stone for his carrier.
ဝီရသူ…… သူတပါးရဲ႕ အထြတ္အျမတ္ထားတဲ့ ဘုရားေက်ာင္းေတြကို မဟုတ္မဟပ္ စြတ္စြဲ ဖ်က္ဆီး၊ မီးရႈိ႕၊ လူေတြကို မေသမရွင္ေရာ အရွင္လတ္လတ္ေရာ မီးရႈိ႕၊ ပစၥည္းေတြကို လုယက္ဖ်က္ဆီး၊ အဲလိုေတြလုပ္ျပီး သည့္တိုင္ မဟုတ္မဟပ္ ဇာတ္လမ္းထြင္ ျပီး သူမ်ားမေကာင္းေျပာတုန္း၊ အသက္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ယူျပီးသည့္တိုင္ သံဃာတပါး ဆံုးရႈံးမႈ႔အေပၚ ႏွေျမာတသ ယူက်ံဳးမရ ျဖစ္ျပေနႏိုင္ေသးတယ္။ သိပ္ျပီးသရုပ္ေဆာင္ေကာင္းျပမေနပါနဲ႔။
အကာကြယ္ေကာင္းေကာင္း အေထာက္ပံ့ေကာင္းေကာင္း ရွိေနတုန္းေတာ့ လက္မေထာင္ထားဦးေပါ့၊ ေသခ်ာတာကေတာ့ မတရားမႈ႔အတြက္ျပန္ေပးဆပ္ရလိမ့္မယ္။
Aung Tin ဗလီေတြကုိ ဖ်က္တဲ့အခါ လွ်ိဳ႕ဝွက္ေျမေအာက္ခန္းေတြ ေတြ႔မိလား။ လက္နက္သုိေလွာင္တာေကာ ရွိသလား။ အျခားဘာသာကုိ ဖိႏွိပ္ေစာ္ကားတဲ့ မေတာ္မသင့္လုပ္မဲ့ စာရြက္စာတန္း အေထာက္အထားေကာ ျမင္မိသလား။ အၾကမ္းဖက္သမားေတြ တစ္ကယ္ရသြားတာက သူတုိ႔ တစ္သက္လုံး သယ္ပုိးထားရမဲ့ အကုသုိလ္အထုပ္ေတြဘဲ ျဖစ္တယ္။
Posted: 30 Mar 2013 04:39 AM PDT
Apakah yang dimaksudkan dengan poster Datuk Najib ni? Pelik!!
Inilah kebahagiaan. Kebahagian apa yang ingin ditunjukkan? Bahagia kerana conteng muka.
Mungkin hanya Najib yang bahagia kerana dapat menconteng muka rakyat? Tentu bahagia jadinya apabila muka PM ni yang diconteng sama.
Kalau pun dah menjadi penyokong bola sepak Malaysia, takkan muka nak dijadikan tontonan. Agak-agak bila ia akan diturunkan… -ekeleh.com
Posted: 30 Mar 2013 02:51 AM PDT
No. 1July 2010
This briefing paper provides examples of some of
While a lot of attention has focussed on propaganda
spread on social networks such as Facebook,
most people in Burma do not have access to the
internet. Leaflets inciting anti-Muslim hatred are
being distributed across the country, including by
Burma Campaign UK has produced a detailed
briefing paper looking at some of the underlying
causes of recent violence in Burma, which calls on
the international community to share its expertise
with political and religious leaders in Burma in
tackling communal violence. The briefing paper,
Burma Briefing No.19: An international task force
is needed to help tackle growing religious violence
in Burma, is available here: http://www.burmacampaign.
Examples of anti-Muslim propaganda are
provided here in the original Burmese and English
Read al;l here @ Examples of Anti-Muslim Propaganda
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Posted: 30 Mar 2013 02:39 AM PDT
A Dangerous Resurgence of Communal Violence in Myanmar
March 28, 2013 by Jim Della-Giacoma | 4 Comments
Click here for a Burmese translation of this report.
Over the past week there has been more inter-communal violence in Myanmar, this time in the country's heartland – with the worst incidents in the town of Meiktila, between Mandalay and the capital Naypyitaw. The incident started with a brawl in a gold shop and rapidly escalated into large-scale Buddhist-Muslim clashes that left nearly 50 people dead and over twelve thousand displaced, according to the latest government figures. Other credible estimates put the number of displaced even higher.
The Muslim community was the hardest hit, as it has tended to be in previous such clashes. More than three-quarters of those displaced were Muslims. Many of their homes were destroyed, and a number of religious buildings (mosques and madrassas) were burned down. Although a state of emergency and a visible presence of the security forces on the streets has restored calm, it will be weeks or months before the displaced can rebuild their homes and lives. And, given that most have lost everything – and are in fear of further attacks – there is uncertainty about how many of them would have the means or the confidence to return to their former neighbourhoods.
For communities that have lived together for generations, the speed and scale of the violence comes as a shock. Yet such incidents are not unheard of in Myanmar: serious Buddhist-Muslim clashes occurred in central parts of the country in 2001, triggered in part by the destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas in Afghanistan by the Taliban and calls by firebrand Myanmar monks for the destruction of mosques in retaliation. Serious riots also occurred in the 1930s and 1960s, and smaller-scale incidents have occurred with some regularity.
There is much speculation about what is behind the current violence. Feedback from witnesses is contradictory: some say they did not recognize the perpetrators and believe that they were from outside the community; others say they recognized their neighbours among the attackers. It is clear that there are some agents provocateurs with radical anti-Muslim agendas at work in the country – including influential Buddhist monks preaching intolerance and hatred of Muslims. Also, the systematic and methodical way in which Muslim neighbourhoods were razed to the ground is highly suggestive of some degree of advance planning by radical elements. At the same time, there is scant evidence to support claims that the violence was orchestrated to further some ill-defined aim of alleged hardliners unhappy with the rapid reforms taking place in the country.
In fact, it is not unusual for countries emerging from authoritarianism to experience inter-communal strife. Following the violence in Rakhine State last year, Crisis Group warned of the risk of Buddhist-Muslim clashes spreading to the many other parts of the country with Muslim minority populations. A previous blog post also looked at comparisons and possible lessons Myanmar could draw from the communal violence that rocked post-Suharto Indonesia.
There is a real risk that violence could spread. Already, there have been incidents in other towns near to Meiktila, as well as elsewhere in the country, though none so deadly as the clashes in Meiktila. There is nervousness and many rumours are circulating in the commercial capital, Yangon, but no serious violence has occurred there so far. But if these incidents do continue to spread, and escalate, they could do enormous damage to the country, beyond the immediate human costs: by tearing Myanmar's social fabric in ways that will be difficult to repair; damaging the transition process currently underway by taking the focus of government away from the other very challenging political, economic and peace-building reforms; and undermining domestic and international confidence in the future of the country.
What should be done? Restoring calm and reducing the chances of future incidents must be addressed on three levels:
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Posted: 30 Mar 2013 02:36 AM PDT
Soe Than Win/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images A resident of Meiktila searched through debris on March 23.
Kristallnacht in Myanmar, Maung Zarni commented
THIS IS A MUST-READ PIECE ON HOW ANTI-MUSLIM VIOLENCE STARTED IN MEIKHTILA.
Here is the best journalistic piece grounded in the realities as lived – not speculated. It was written by a Burmese journalist who lives there. He was also the same journalist who stressed the state's direct involvement in violence against the Rohingya.
The involvement takes different form, for instance, ordering, at best, its mighty network of security forces to simply do nothing as the slaughters unfolded, or at worst, granting impunity to the security force if they chose to join in the killing sprees of the Rohingya and Muslims in Burma. That's not including the direct training and planning of organized mob attacks.
"We received an order to do nothing but extinguish fires. Obedience is more important than anything else in our service."
By SWE WIN
MEIKTILA, Myanmar — Not one bullet was fired, not one smoke bomb was dropped as scores of Muslims were attacked and some were burnt alive in Myanmar last week. The security forces just looked on. In a country where they routinely use brute force against political dissidents, villagers who protest land grabs and even monks, their passivity was sadly revealing.
The violence stemmed from a trivial row over a broken gold clip between a Muslim jeweler and a Buddhist customer last Wednesday morning. The brawl, which left the Buddhist customer with an injury to the head, happened in Meiktila, a trading town of 100,000 people at the center of the country, with an army base and no history of sectarian violence. The town's Muslims have no links to the stateless Rohingyas in western Myanmar; they have a long and peaceful lineage here.
Still, by that same afternoon anti-Muslim mobs were destroying the Muslim gold shops of Meiktila's market area. Then, in revenge, local Muslims stabbed to death a monk traveling from a nearby village. That murder in turn unleashed a killing spree of Muslims on Wednesday night and over the next two days. "Any Muslim, old or young, including babies, was killed that night," Myo Htut, an eyewitness, told me this week.
"A Muslim man around 40-years-old had his legs tied to a motorcycle and was dragged on the road. Since he was still half alive after that torture, the crowd beat him up with sticks and then burned him on the motorcycle." Myo Htut estimated that the death toll from the three days of violence reached around 200. State media put it at 40.
Other witnesses I spoke to described wild mobs — including saffron-robed monks with sticks and knives — hunting down Muslims and torching entire blocks, including at least five mosques, in Muslim neighborhoods.
When on Thursday I asked a junior police officer in Meiktila how all of this could have happened in the presence of government forces, he said, with distinct unease: "We received an order to do nothing but extinguish fires. Obedience is more important than anything else in our service."
It took the government three days to declare a state of emergency and send in the army. That did stop the violence in Meiktila, but since then attacks against mosques and Muslims' property have continued to spread across the country.
More than a week after the violence started, just this Thursday, President Thein Sein explained that government forces had been ordered not to intervene because he did not want to "risk any possible endangerment of our ongoing democratic transition and reform efforts."
This is hard to believe. For one thing it doesn't explain why, short of using lethal force, the police didn't fire warning shots or throw smoke bombs. For another, the government has not fundamentally softened its policies about state-sanctioned violence: In the same speech on Thursday, Thein Sein also said, "I am firmly committed to using the power vested in me by the Constitution to deploy our security forces and to use existing laws to prevent and protect the life, liberty and security of my fellow citizens."
At least he's not fooling anyone. The Islam Council, based in Yangon, has issued a statement saying the violence had been premeditated to create discord between Buddhists and Muslims. U Sandana, a middle-aged Buddhist abbot in Meiktila, told me that many of the Buddhist monks involved in the violence were strangers to the town.
U Sandana also explained that the government seems to have had a stake in portraying the clashes as sectarian outbursts. Although the worst of the violence appeared to have been triggered by the revenge killing of that Buddhist monk, he said, in fact "it occurred only because there was a complete absence of law enforcement and the authorities just looked on with their arms folded."
(There were, indeed, acts of solidarity in the midst of the violence. I met an old Buddhist man, a retired policeman, in Meiktila who was carried away to safety by his Muslim neighbors when the anti-Muslim mobs began their arson attacks.)
So what explains the government forces' unusual passivity?
One theory is that the leaders of the nominally civilian government that now runs Myanmar — high-ranking army generals and the leaders of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development party — deliberately allowed the chaos in order to justify the continued importance of the armed forces.
Another suspicion is that the government actually wants to derail political reform for fear that continued progress at the recent pace would mean free and fair general elections in 2015 — which most likely would mean a landslide victory for the party of the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. That's the "possible endangerment" Thein Sein really is worried about.
Swe Win is a freelance journalist based in Yangon.
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Posted: 30 Mar 2013 02:28 AM PDT
1) President Thein Sein is a reformer who needs international support lest his reform efforts are undermined by the 'hardliners'.
3) Western governments and international organizations are rewarding the Burmese generals for undertaking democratic reforms.
4) Foreign aid will benefit the people of Burma.
5) Debt forgiveness is good for the country.
6) INGOs are there to build local 'capacity' and 'civil society'.
7) Only the military can hold the Union together.
8) Myanmar is just about to enjoy peace for the first time since independence in 1948; once the Kachin resistance is brought down to its knees, it's all smooth-sailing for 'peace-builders and peace-brokers'.
9) Generals are ultra-nationalist patriots, who are undertaking 'top-down' reforms out of enlightened self-interest, not because of the grassroots pressure.
10) Local technocrats and international supporters, as well as business interests, are helping Naypyidaw in nation building.
You may try looking beyond the veneer of these truth statements.
For instance, instead of buying into this 'generals-are-nationalists-and-patriots', how about viewing generals and ex-generals as 'resource pimps' and self-interested bastards with too much blood on their hand, for a change. This way of re-reading Burmese politics has an added advantage of it being verifiably correct.
Posted: 30 Mar 2013 02:14 AM PDT
By JOSEPH ALLCHIN Published: 7 November 2011
Not all are convinced: Burmese in Malaysia protest the ongoing offensives against ethnic minorities in Burma (Reuters)
Denial is not just a river in Egypt, Mark Twain once famously quipped. Indeed it seems it is a river in the memories of many international observers now swooning blindly over President Thein Sein and his reform agenda.Things are changing: the sun sets, the world spins, people, even dictators, evolve. The nature of current changes is, however, all too often hugely simplified to analyses that suggest either a clear misunderstanding of this country, or an intentional misrepresentation of its politics.
Now, a year after the country's elections, in which Burmese have lived under a government they did not choose, the state of power in the country must be scrutinised as an antidote to the cries of progress. One major change has been Burma's relationship with China. Most would agree with the words of Burmese economist Khing Maung Nyo, who says that Burma"needs new friends", and that her reliance upon China has had to end.
China's weight on the country is keenly felt, none more so than by Burma's generals who also have successfully pursued a neutralist policy since independence. They, according to the US embassy, mistrust their neighbours motives the most. And Burma's generals need finance and a source of cheap loans. Why this is the case is because of the delicate power balance that exists.
Burma is not poor, but government spending is completely unsustainable for the economic long haul, as it has been since 1962. Nearly a quarter of the budget goes on the military, with no sign that this weighting will change any time soon. "I don't think spending on health and education will change remarkably," says Khin Maung Nyo.
"Remember there are really two governments in this country," adds Win Tin, a political veteran and founding member of the National League for Democracy, noting that the core of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) is believed to be opposed to many of the recent legislative reforms that the president has sought. But in fact there could be three, with the country's military remaining a powerful force.
The most notable area of reform that the self-proclaimed elected party has fought hard against is agriculture: farmers make up nearly three-quarters of the population, but the USDP was deeply against their inclusion on the Labour Organisation Bill, a move that would have been remarkable were it not for an intervention by the International Labour Organisation (ILO).
But in other legislation, such as the Land Act, the USDP had their way in legally subjugating the vast majority of workers. In a country where land confiscation, which amounts to the theft of people's livelihoods, is a growing problem, the Land Act makes these disputes go not to a court of law, but to a committee. Thus the aiding of impunity before the law for the powerful and the elite, from which strata the USDP hails, continues unabated. As Khin Maung Nyo explains, "we are trying to change agriculture into a business" by taking small holdings and turning them into large commercial agribusinesses. The Land Act that prevents legal issues from arising will aid this.
So if the country doesn't want to rely on China, it needs to placate the West to fund the dual priorities of the military and to kick start the economy.
Western priorities run fairly juxtaposed with the more upwardly mobile business elite in Burma, many of whom have been schooled in the West and many of whom now brief experts like the International Crisis Group's Jim Della-Giacoma and other visiting dignitaries in air-conditioned hotels as far removed from the population as possible. This elite then desperately wants the trappings of the West – the credit cards, 24-hour electricity, the Western export markets and the international "economic legitimacy", as Khin Maung Nyo terms it.
The IMF has of course just finished a trip to the country. The reluctance of institutions such as this to engage with Burma is one of the most powerful tools that visitors like US envoy Derek Mitchell have to pressure Thein Sein. The loans that such institutions can provide will be essential: at present the government has put a number of large-scale infrastructure projects on hold, and this as the value of government debts have soared by some 30 percent, despite massively increased tax revenue and foreign investment.
Mitchell will relate to Thein Sein on the basis of easily communicable signs of change, such as political prisoners. In all probability he will have read Della-Giacoma's assertions that there was a "general amnesty", which is fiction – the only thing "general" about it was the military rank of the man who ordered it, Thein Sein. In actual fact it was unremarkable.
In the government's communiqués on the amnesty, it made no reference to any substantial change of tack – instead Thein Sein et al still claim that the 1,700 remaining political prisoners are in jail under existing laws, and refuses to show any contrition towards them or their sentences. Similarly, the government-appointed National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) had to refer to political prisoners as "so-called 'prisoners of conscience'". The amnesty moreover was acted upon on an auspicious full moon day, indicative of the fact that this was not the opening of "freedom's gate" as the Financial Times saw it, but a vain attempt to shore up whatever karma is possible for the soul of a Burmese general.
Della-Giacoma also claims in a shameful twist of logic that the amnesty was different in that the military nominees in parliament are now in favour of the prisoner release, thereby "indicating the move is openly backed by the armed forces in a way that previous releases have not been". But who else has "backed" previous releases? Only the military has locked up political prisoners, and only the military can or has decided to release them, as they have done at intervals for years. Nothing has changed then, which suggests these commentators have a woeful lack of understanding of why there are military men in parliament in the first place – to do the bidding of the institution from which they hail.
Win Tin contends that the president would have gained approval for the amnesty from an 11-member military council of which he is the only "civilian" member, and that this council would not permit the move for all political prisoners. He claims that it is fearful of the "young men", as Win Tin describes inmates such as Min Ko Naing, who can still disrupt the government's controlled reorganisation. Councils such as this meanwhile simply will not allow for the cuts in military spending that are required alongside the crackdown on their vast corruptions that would allow the Burmese a fighting chance in terms of social spending. More money then must be sought.
The dynamic that parliament has worked under has caused interest. Primarily it seems there are breaks from the party line, with some government-aligned MPs straying from the traditional conservative bent of the USDP, while most have acted in unison with the particular house they are in. So there is an allegiance to the house of parliament they sit in, whether upper or lower. Both houses are naturally dominated by the USDP, whose ranks are filled with former military personnel and other elites. The upper house has a greater ethnic make up because of the regional weighting, and has reportedly sided more with the president, whilst the lower is more conservative.
The question of what brand of democracy Burma is headed towards must be asked. Thein Sein's decision to suspend the Myitsone Dam was hail as a positive sign, although it should be seen more as a vital tool with which to make the reciprocal sensation felt once more in politics, and temporarily appease the people – after all, it has only been suspended, and does not necessarily mark a radical break with the country's rapacious enthusiasm for destructive industry.
It would be impossible to put an appraisal on the year that has been without commentating on the upsurge in violence against two of the largest ethnic groups in Burma, the Kachin and the Shan. It could be that Thein Sein, despite his statements, has no control over this; that the conquests are solely in the hands of the "third government", the army. Yet those who boast that he has forged peace with groups like the Wa and Mongla are attempting to distract us from the continued violence elsewhere: these two groups are keen business partners of the Thein Sein government, whom various experts have implicated in the country's narcotics trade. Other "overtures" to the likes of the Kachin provide more evidence of the army's intentions, given that they have been accompanied by various reports of rape and shelling of civilians.
Of the praise heaped on Thein Sein by key players in the international community, Win Tin provides some sobering afterthought: "Men like this simply do not change overnight", he says of the man who has a lifetime of service in war and whose tenure in the top job has only heightened conflict.
On the other key area of sanctions, Burma has used the gullible ones out there to help massage the notion that its economic ruin is the fault of the West's blockade, and not its own feudal system of governance and economics. The ICG followed suit by slating sanctions as "counterproductive, encouraging a siege mentality among its leadership and harming its mostly poor population". The only thing now breaking this "siege mentality" is a realisation that the government desperately needs what sanctions blocked, finance.
So while Burma is changing, its change is not towards a simple state of "freedom", but towards greater Western capitalism. This is elite-orientated and engineered, and arguably threatens its sovereignty as much as China does. As Western capital will sweep into a corruptible land with little rule of law, it will become party to the corporate seizures of farmland and squabbles over her mineral-rich hillsides – a corrupt feeding frenzy that remains the envy of Western companies.
Burma has not changed because of the good will of her leaders or their desire to be more democratic. The people on the street are not fooled; they appreciate the suspension of the dam on the "mother river", the ability to buy posters of their hero Aung San Suu Kyi, but they do not forget. Rather, they still live in fear and know that the constitution that has been implanted on them reinforces the impunity for those above them and clamps a feudal yoke upon their shoulders.
Posted: 30 Mar 2013 02:09 AM PDT
The world of concerned citizens are alarmed and outraged by the rise of neo-Nazi Buddhism. But inside Burma the movement's spearhead is having a field day.
Here is a pix of a street vendor in Burma with '969′ neo-Nazi DVDs, CDs, and other propaganda materials. April Maung Maung's photo.
အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈ ၉၆၉ နဲ႔ ဆက္ႏြယ္ေနသလား
မိတီၳလာျဖစ္စဥ္အၿပီး မႏၱေလးတုိင္းေဒသႀကီး၊ ေနျပည္ေတာ္ေကာင္စီနဲ႔ ပဲခူတုိင္းေဒသႀကီးအတြင္းက အၾကမ္းဖက္ျဖစ္စဥ္ ေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး လူ ၆၈ ဦးကို ဖမ္းဆီးစစ္ေဆးထားေၾကာင္း၊ မိတီၳလာအၾကမ္းဖက္မႈျဖစ္စဥ္ေၾကာင့္ လူ ၄၂ ဦးေသဆုံးေၾကာင္း ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႕က တရား၀င္ထုတ္ျပန္လိုက္ပါတယ္။
မိတီၳလာၿမိဳ႕ ေရႊဆုိင္အေရာင္းအ၀ယ္မွ စတင္ျဖစ္ေပၚခဲ့တဲ့ ဘာသာေရးနဲ႔ လူမ်ဳိးေရးပုံစံ အဓိကရုဏ္းေတြ ပဲခူးတုိင္းေဒသႀကီးကိုပါ ဆူပူအၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြ ကူးစက္လာပါတယ္။
ပဲခူးတုိင္းေဒသႀကီး အုိးသည္ကုန္းၿမိဳ႕မွာ ဘာသာေရး အစြန္းေရာက္အဖြဲ႕ေတြရဲ႕ လာေရာက္ေဟာေျပာမႈေတြျဖစ္ပြားၿပီး တဲ့ေနာက္မွာ အဲဒီေဒသတြင္းမွာ ဆူပူအၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာတာျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ ပဲခူးတုိင္းေဒသႀကီးရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႕ရုံးက ရဲအရာရွိ တဦးက ေျပာပါတယ္။
ဆူပူအၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြ မစတင္ခင္မွာ စာရြက္ျဖန္႔ေ၀မႈေတြ၊ အစၥလမ္ဘာသာ၀င္ေတြရဲ႕ ပိုင္ဆုိင္မႈ အုိးအိမ္ဆုိင္ခန္းေတြနဲ႔ ဗလီေတြဖ်က္ဆီးၿပီးတဲ့အခါမွာ ခ်န္ထားရစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အမွတ္အသား တံဆိပ္ေတြအရ ဘာသာေရး အစြန္းေရာက္ေတြ ပါ၀င္ေနတယ္လုိ႔ သိရပါတယ္။
ဘာသာေရးအစြန္းေရာက္လို႔ ဆုိတဲ့ေနရာမွာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာနဲ႔ ဆက္ႏြယ္ေနတဲ့ အမွတ္အသားေတြ ေတြ႕ေနရတယ္လုိ႔ ပဲခူးတုိင္း ေဒသခံေတြက ဆုိပါတယ္။
ပဲခူးတုိင္းေဒသႀကီး၊ ႀကဳိ႕ပင္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီိအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္မွ တြဲဘက္အတြင္းေရးမွဴး ဦးမင္းသူရက ဆူပူအၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြ မျဖစ္ပြားမီက ၉၆၉ အမွတ္တံဆိပ္ပါ စာရြက္စတစ္ကာေတြ၊ ဘာသာျခား ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး အဓိက ဦးတည္တဲ့ တရားေခြေတြ ၿမိဳ႕တြင္းအထိ လာေရာက္ေ၀ငွခဲ့မႈေတြျဖစ္ေပၚခဲ့တယ္လုိ႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။
"မတ္လ၂၃ ရက္ေန႔ မွာ ၉၆၉ စတစ္ကာ စာရြက္ေတြ လာေ၀တယ္။ ေ၀တဲ့အထဲမွာ သက္ဆုိင္ရာ ရပ္ကြက္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးက လူေတြ တခ်ဳိ႕လူေတြ လည္းပါတယ္။ အခ်ဳိ႕လူေတြက ဒီဟာကို ဘာမွန္းမသိဘဲ တဆင့္ ျဖန္႔ ေ၀တာ မ်ဳိးလည္း ျဖစ္ေကာင္း ျဖစ္ႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ ဒီျဖစ္စဥ္ေတြမွာ သူတုိ႔ ပါတယ္လုိ႔ စြပ္စြဲတာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဒီဟာက ဘာသာေရး ျဖစ္တဲ့အခါက်ေတာ့ တဆင့္ျပန္ေ၀ခုိင္းရင္းနဲ႔ က်ယ္ျပန္႔လာတယ္။ ေနာက္ဆုံးရြာေတြထိကုိ မိတၱဴကူး၊ ေခြေတြ ကူးၿပီး က်ယ္ျပန္႔လာတယ္"လို႔ ဦးမင္းသူရက ဆုိတယ္။
ဆိုေတာ့ ၉၆၉ ဆိုတာ ဘာလဲ။ ၉၆၉ ဆုိတာ ဘုရားဂုဏ္ေတာ္ ၉ ပါး၊ တရားဂုဏ္ေတာ္ ၆ ပါး၊ သံဃာ့ ဂုဏ္ေတာ္ ၉ ပါး ကုိ ဦးထိပ္ထားၿပီး ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္ေတြ စုစုစည္းစည္းျဖစ္ေစဖုိ႔ဆုိတဲ့ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ တီထြင္ထားတဲ့ အမွတ္တံဆိပ္တခုျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ မႏၱေလး မစုိးရိမ္ေက်ာင္းတုိက္က ဆရာေတာ္ဦး၀ီရသူက မိန္႔ပါတယ္။
ႀကဳိ႕ပင္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္မွာ ဆူပူအၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြမျဖစ္ခင္ လာေ၀ငွတဲ့အထဲမွာ ဆရာေတာ္ ၄ ပါးထက္မနည္း ေဟာေျပာထားတဲ့ တရားေခြတေခြလည္းပါ၀င္ေနပါတယ္။ DVD ေရာ CD ေရာပါ ျဖန္႕ေဝေနတဲ့ အဲဒီအေခြမွာ အရွင္ပညာ၀ရ ရဲ႕ လမ္းခြဲတရားေတာ္၊ အရွင္ေကာသလႅရဲ႕ ဘာကို အရင္လုပ္ၾကမွာလဲ၊ အရွင္သုနႏၵရဲ႕ ဗုဒၶလမ္းစဥ္ က်င့္ေစခ်င္၊ အရွင္၀ိစိတၱာဘိ၀ံသ(၀ီရသူ)ရဲ႕ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး ေပါ့ေပါ့မေတြးနဲ႔ စတဲ့ တရားေဟာေျပာမႈေတြပါ၀င္ပါတယ္။
ဒီေဟာၾကားမႈေတြဟာ အဓိကအားျဖင့္ မြတ္စလင္ဘာသာ၀င္ေတြရဲ႕ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕မႈေတြေၾကာင့္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္ႏုိင္တာမုိ႔ ဗမာလူမ်ဳိးေတြ အေနနဲ႔ အမ်ဳိးသား၊ ဘာသာ၊ သာသနာကုိ ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ ထိန္းသိမ္းၾကဖို႔ အတိအလင္း ျပဆုိ ေဟာေျပာ ထားပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအေခြရဲ႕ အေပၚမွာ "ငါတို႔အရိုး စည္းရုိးထုိး၍ ကာသင့္ပါလွ်င္ ကာရမည္" ဆိုတဲ့ ေဆာင္ပုဒ္ တခုကိုလည္း ေရးထုိးထားပါတယ္။
၉၆၉ အမွတ္တံဆိပ္နဲ႔ တရားေခြေတြဟာ အျခားဘာသာေတြကုိ တုိက္ခုိက္တာ မဟုတ္ဘဲ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္ေတြအေနနဲ႔ မိမိတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ဆုိင္၊ အိမ္ေတြနဲ႔ လုပ္ငန္းေတြမွာ ကပ္ထားဖို႔ အတြက္ အဓိက ျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ ဦး၀ီရသူက မိန္႕ဆုိပါတယ္။
"အျခား ဘာသာေတြကို တိုက္ခိုက္ဖို႔ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ကိုယ့္ဆိုင္ ကိုယ့္အိမ္မွာ ကပ္ထားရင္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာအိမ္ျဖစ္တယ္၊ ဆိုင္ ျဖစ္တယ္ ဆိုတာသိၿပီးေတာ့ ေစ်း၀ယ္ဖို႔ ၀င္နားဖို႔ ဒီေလာက္ပါပဲ။ ၉၆၉ ၀တ္စံုေတြ ၀တ္တယ္ ဆိုတာလည္း လႈံ႕ေဆာ္တာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ စည္း႐ံုးတာပါ"လုိ႔ ဦး၀ီရသူက မိန္႔ပါတယ္။
မိတီၳလာျမိဳ႕ကို သြားေရာက္ေလ့လာခဲ့တဲ့ ကုလသမဂၢအထူးကိုယ္စားလွယ္ မစၥတာ ဗီေဂ်းနမ္ဘီးယားကလည္း အခုလို ဘာသာေရး အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈမ်ားဟာ "မီးေမႊးေပးတဲ့ ဝါဒျဖန္႕မႈမ်ား"ေၾကာင့္လို႕ ဆိုလိုက္ျပီး "ရက္စက္လြန္းတဲ့ ပိရိေသသပ္မႈ"လို႕လည္း ေကာက္ခ်က္ခ် ေျပာဆိုခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒီလိုေျပာဆိုခ်က္ဟာ ၉၆၉ အဖြဲ႕ေၾကာင့္လို႕ တိုက္႐ိုက္စြပ္စြဲေျပာဆိုခ်က္ေတာ့ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။
ဒါေပမယ့္ ႀကဳိ႕ပင္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႕ေပၚက ဗလီေတြ၊ ေနအိမ္ေတြ ၊ ကားေတြ ဖ်က္ဆီးခံရၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္မွာေတာ့ ၉၆၉ ဆိုတဲ့ အမွတ္တံဆိပ္ကို မင္အစိမ္းေရာင္ေတြနဲ႔ ေရးသားခဲ့တယ္လုိ႔ ၿမိဳ႕ခံေတြက ဆုိပါတယ္။
"ဖ်က္ဆီးခံထားရတဲ့ အစၥလမ္ေတြရဲ႕အိမ္ေတြမွာ၊ ကားေတြမွာ ၉၆၉ ဆိုတဲ့ ဂဏန္းကို မွင္အစိမ္းနဲ႔ အတည့္ပုံစံတမ်ဳိး၊ ေဇာက္ထုိးပုံစံမ်ဳိးေတြနဲ႔ ေရးသားထားတယ္။ ေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားမွာ အဲလိုေရးထားတယ္" လုိ႔ ႀကဳိ႕ပင္ေကာက္ ေဒသခံတဦးက ဆုိပါတယ္။
၉၆၉ တံဆိပ္ကုိ အသုံးခ် ဖ်က္ဆီးမႈေတြလုပ္ခဲ့တာလား၊ ဘယ္လိုရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ေတြနဲ႔ ဆူပူဖ်က္ဆီးမႈေတြ လုပ္ခဲ့သလဲဆိုတာ အေျဖက မရွင္းလင္းေပမယ့္ ဘာသာေရး အစြန္းေရာက္မႈေတြ ရွိေနတာေတာ့ ေသခ်ာလုိ႔ စုံစမ္းေဖာ္ထုတ္မႈေတြလုပ္ေနတယ္လုိ႔ ပဲခူးတုိင္းေဒသႀကီးရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႕ရုံးက တာ၀န္က် ရဲအရာရွိက ဆုိပါတယ္။
"ပဲခူးတုိင္းထဲမွာ ပထမဆုံးစျဖစ္တာက အုိးသည္ကုန္း မွာစျဖစ္တယ္။ အဲဒီစျဖစ္တဲ့ အုိးသည္ကုန္းကိုလည္း အခင္းမျဖစ္မီ၊ ဆူပူအၾကမ္းဖက္မႈ ေတြ မျဖစ္မီ ဘာသာေရးအစြန္းေရာက္ အဖြဲ႕ ေတြလာၿပီး ေဟာေျပာတာေတြ လုပ္သြားတယ္လို႔ သိထားပါတယ္။ ဒါေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လုိ႔လည္း က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ အခု ဓာတ္ပုံမွတ္တမ္းေတြနဲ႔ ေဖာ္ထုတ္ေနပါၿပီ။ အခု ေလာေလာဆယ္ေတာ့ ေပါင္းတည္မွာ လူ ၂ ဦး၊ မုိးညဳိမွာ ၂ ဦး၊ မင္းလွမွာ ၁၀ ဦး စုစုေပါင္း လူ ၁၄ ဦး ဖမ္းဆီး စစ္ေဆးေနပါတယ္။ အားလုံးက ေဒသခံေတြခ်ည္းပါပဲ" လို႔ ရဲအရာရွိက ေျပာတယ္။
ေနျပည္ေတာ္ သာသနာေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာနက ရုံးအဖြဲ႕မွဴး ဦးျမင့္ဦးက ၉၆၉ တံဆိပ္ကို ဗုဒၶဘာသာရဲ႕ တရား၀င္ အမွတ္တံဆိပ္ အျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္ မျပဳတဲ့အျပင္ မွတ္ပုံတင္ထားတာမ်ဳိးလည္း မရွိေၾကာင္း၊ ခြင့္ျပဳထားတာလည္း မရွိေၾကာင္း ဧရာ၀တီကုိ ေျပာပါတယ္။
"၉၆၉ ျဖစ္စဥ္ေတြကိုေတာ ့သိရတယ္။ သိေပမယ့္ ဘယ္လိုအေရးယူရမလဲ ဆိုတာေတာ့ ေဒသအလိုက္ ျဖစ္တဲ့ကိစၥေတြ ကိုေတာ့ ေဒသအာဏာပိုင္က ႐ွင္းရမွာပဲ။ သူတို႔ကို လုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္ အျပည့္ေပးထားၿပီးသား "ဟု ဦးျမင့္ဦးက ဆိုတယ္။
ဦးဝီရသူက ၉၆၉ အဖြဲ႕ကို ေမာ္လျမိဳင္ျမိဳ႕က သံဃာ ၅ ပါးက စဖြဲ႕စည္းျပီး ၁၉၉၉ ခုမွာ ကြယ္လြန္သူ သာသနာေရး ဦးစီးဌာန အျငိမ္းစား ၫႊန္ၾကားေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ ႏွစ္ဖက္လွ ဦးေက်ာ္လြင္ကတဆင့္ စတင္သိရွိခဲ့တယ္လို႕ ဆိုပါတယ္။ ဘယ္သူေတြပါဝင္ဖြဲ႕စည္းထားမွန္း မသိရေပမယ့္ အခုအခါ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္မွာလည္း ၉၆၉ စတစ္ကာေတြနဲ႔ တရားေခြ ေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား ပ်ံ႕ႏွံ႕ေနၿပီး အခမဲ့ ျဖန္႔ေ၀တာျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ သိရပါတယ္။ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္အမ်ားစုကေတာ့ ၉၆၉ စတစ္ကာေတြကုိ ဆိုင္ေတြ၊ ကားေတြ၊ အိမ္ေတြမွာ ကပ္ထားၾကပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမယ့္ ရန္ကုန္ေဒသခံအခ်ဳိ႕ေတြကေတာ့ ၉၆၉ ကုိ ဗုဒၶဘာသာရဲ႕ တရား၀င္ အမွတ္အသားအျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္ မျပဳလုိၾကပါဘူး။
"က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ သိတာက ဗုဒၶရဲ႕အဆုံးအမက ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းတယ္။ ေအးခ်မ္းတယ္။ ေမတၱာထားရမယ္။ အဓိက ခ်ဳပ္ၿငိမ္းမယ့္ ၊ သံသရာခရီးမဆက္ႏုိင္မယ့္ နိဗၺာန္ေရာက္ေၾကာင္း တရားကို ရွာတာေပါ့။ ဒါက ဗုဒၶရဲ႕ တကယ့္အႏွစ္သာရလုိ႔ ဆရာေတာ္ႀကီးေတြ ေဟာထား ေျပာထားေတြကို သိထားရလို႔ ဒီလုိ ၉၆၉ စတစ္ကာ ကပ္ထားမွ ဆုိတာမ်ဳိးကို လက္မခံဘူး။ ဘုရားရွင္ရဲ႕ တရားေတာ္ေတြကို နာတယ္။ အဆုံးအမကို နာခံတယ္။ ငါးပါးသီလလုံေအာင္ေစာင့္တယ္" လို႔ အသက္ ၃၀ အရြယ္ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ခံ အမ်ဳိးသားတဦးက ဆုိပါတယ္။
အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ ဓမၼစကၠေဖာင္ေဒးရွင္းက ဦးေမာင္ေမာင္ကေတာ့ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္ေတြအေနနဲ႔ စည္းရုံးဖို႔ လႈပ္ရွားခဲ့တဲ့ ၉၆၉ အမွတ္တံဆိပ္က ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္လြဲမွားတာမ်ဳိး ျဖစ္ေနတယ္လုိ႔ သုံးသပ္ေျပာဆုိပါတယ္။
"ကိုယ့္ဘာသာကို စည္းလံုးဖို႔ လုပ္တာ။ဒါေပမယ့္ ျမန္မာလူမ်ိဳးကေတာ့သိတဲ့ အတိုင္း ခုတ္ရာတျခား ႐ွရာတျခား ျဖစ္တာေပါ့"ဟု ဦးေမာင္ေမာင္က ေျပာသည္။
ထက္ႏုိင္ေဇာ္ ပူးေပါင္းပါဝင္ ေရးသားသည္။
The Irrawaddy (Burmese Version)
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