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- Pakatan Rakyat rally
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Posted: 30 Apr 2013 10:16 AM PDT
Di Malaysia, projek pembinaan lebuhraya merupakan satu lapangan perniagaan yang berisiko rendah dan sangat menguntungkan syarikat konsesi. Akan tetapi, projek sebegini dikhususkan untuk kroni-kroni BN sahaja.
Contohnya, syarikat PLUS yang membelanjakan RM 5.9 bilion untuk membina Lebuhraya Utara-Selatan, namun sehingga 31 Disember 2010, telah mengutip tol sebanyak RM18.3billion. Bagi setiap ringgit yang dikutip, syarikat konsesi memperoleh untung bersih sebanyak 52 sen!
Tambahan pula, kadar tol akan dinaikkan sebanyak 5% setiap 3 tahun bermula 2016. Mengikut terma konsesi, bayaran tol akan dikutip sehingga 2038 - ini bukan saja membebankan kita tetapi juga anak cucu kita.
Ceritanya sama dengan syarikat-syarikat konsesi yang lain seperti Lebuharaya Damansara-Puchong (LDP), Lebuhraya KL-Putrajaya (MEX), Lebuhraya Shah Alam (KESAS), Lebuhraya Cheras-Kajang, Lebuhraya Port Dickson, Jambatan Pulau Pinang dan Lebuhraya Karak.
Di bawah BN, tol akan diteruskan di lebuhraya-lebuhraya yang baru seperti Lebuhraya Skim Penyuraian Trafik Johor Bahru (EDL) dan Lebuhraya Pantai Barat Taiping - Banting (WCE). Masing-masing akan mengutip tol untuk tempoh 34 dan 60 tahun.
Hakikatnya, jika rasuah dan penyelewengan dikurangkan, kerajaan boleh membeli balik lebuhraya, menghentikan syarikat konsesi daripada mengaut keuntungan yang melampau, dan memansuhkan tol dalam jangka masa yang paling singkat.
Ini adalah janji Pakatan Rakyat kepada rakyat Malaysia. Jika PR berjaya mengambil alih kuasa di Putrajaya, rakyat akan menikmati perkhidmatan lebuhraya percuma!
Ubah Sekarang, Bersihkan Malaysia!
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 08:29 AM PDT
Dakwat jari pengundi awal boleh hilang
SEREMBAN: PAS Negeri Sembilan hari ini mendedahkan bahawa dakwat yang dicalit pada jari pengundi awal iaitu anggota tentera boleh dicuci dan hilang selepas lebih kurang 20 minit mengundi.
Setiausaha Perhubungan PAS negeri, Mohamad Hassan Tamby yang menghubungi FMT sebentar tadi berkata pihaknya mempunyai bukti bergambar bahawa dakwat yang dicalit di jari seorang anggota tentera di sebuah kem tentera di Telok Kemang, telah hilang apabila dicuci, hanya selepas 20 minit anggota tentera itu selesai mengundi.
Dakwat tersebut berwarna ungu/pink (purple with pinkish).
"Pagi tadi calon-calon telah pergi ke tempat mengundi awal di Telok Kemang untuk memantau proses mengundi awal dan ianya berjalan lancar.
"Lebih kurang pukul 9.30 pagi ada di antara kumpulan pengundi awal (first batch) sudah selesai mengundi dan keluar dari pusat mengundi.
"Secara tak sengaja calon kita telah terjumpa dengan seorang anggota tentera yang baru sahaja bersihkan tangan dengan mencuci tangan di sinki dan didapati dakwat yang dicalit pada jari beliau sebelum mengundi telah hilang.
"Kita sengaja mengambil foto menampakkan badan dia untuk menampakkan pakaian seragam tentera beliau.
"Di dalam kem tentera itu sahaja calon kita berjaya mengesan dua kes dakwat yang dicalit di jari hilang atau boleh dibasuh.
"Kalau dakwat yang hilang dalam 10 peratus masih tidak mengapa, tetapi daripada kes yang kami lihat, boleh dikatakan 95 peratus dakwat sudah hilang dan seolah-olah seperti tiada lagi kesan dakwat pada jari anggota tentera itu.
"Saya juga mendapat satu panggilan daripada sebuah nombor telefon yang tidak dikenali (private number) yang mana beliau mengaku sebagai anggota tentera, turut mendakwa dakwat di jari beliau sudah separuh hilang lebih kurang tiga jam selepas beliau mengundi.
Invividu tersebut mendakwa beliau mencuci tangannya sebelum makan tengahari," jelas Mohamad Hassan.
Mohamad Hassan kini mempertikaikan ketelusan dan kredibiliti Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya Malaysia (SPR) dalam isu dakwat yang dicalit di jari mudah hilng apabila dibasuh atau terkena air.
"Ini bermakna Pakatan Rakyat sebelum ini yang bimbang dakwat jari akan hilang selepas tiga hari terbukti benar, kerana bukan tiga hari, tetapi dalam masa beberapa jam sahaja dakwat sudah hilang.
"Sedangkan SPR sebelum ini memberi jaminan dakwat di jari akan bertahan selama seminggu.
Malah SPR pada mulanya pernah berkata pengundian awal akan diadakan tiga hari sebelum tarikh mengundi, kini telah mengadakan pengundian awal lima hari sebelum tarikh mengundi.
"Apakah ini perancangan pihak tertentu termasuk SPR untuk menggagalkan kebangkitan rakyat menyokong Pakatan Rakyat?
"SPR harus memberi penjelasan berhubung perkara ini agar rakyat tidak meragui kredibiliti dan ketelusan SPR," kata Mohamad Hassan. -FMT
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 05:46 AM PDT
Mon Hnin, a 29-year-old Muslim woman from Meiktila, in central Myanmar, spent the night of March 20 with her daughter and mother-in-law hiding in terror in the bushes on the fringes of her neighbourhood.
A wave of murderous anti-Muslim riots led by Buddhist extremists had exploded earlier that day in the dusty town with a population of 100,000 people, located 130km north of the capital, Nay Pyi Taw. Like the houses of many other Muslims in the town, the one belonging to Mon Hnin, whose name has been changed for security reasons, had been destroyed by a Buddhist mob in the Mingalar Zay Yone quarter and she and her relatives had to take refuge in the first place they could find.
The next day, she witnessed something far worse than the destruction of her property, as she told Spectrum at a non-governmental refugee camp near Meitktila where she now lives with about 3,400 other Muslim refugees. The bushes where Mon Hnin, her daughter and her mother-in law had hidden the previous night are not far from a local madrasa _ an Islamic school _ where one of the worst episodes of the violence took place. According to several eyewitnesses, that morning a Buddhist mob attacked the school killing at least 30 students and four teachers.
KILLING FIELDS: Right, the madrasa where more than 40 Muslims were killed on March 21.
Mon Hnin said she saw about 30 policemen arriving in trucks about 8am. From her vantage point, she saw how the students and teachers of the madrasa gave up to police the weapons they had improvised to defend themselves. She claimed that a group of them was offered the chance to be evacuated from the area in police trucks, but they were attacked by the mob before reaching the vehicles.
BADGE OF HATE: 969 stickers on sale in Yangon.
One of those she saw being killed was her husband, a halal butcher who was stabbed to death. The policemen in the area did nothing to stop the carnage. Shortly afterwards, Mon Hnin, her daughter and mother-in-law were given shelter in the house of a Buddhist neighbour.
From March 20-22, this dusty garrison city was engulfed by the worst communal violence in Myanmar since the anti-Muslim pogroms that took place in Rakhine state in June and October of last year.
The trigger of the violence was a brawl between the Muslim owners of a gold shop and two Buddhists who tried to sell a gold hair clip on the morning of March 20. Several different, and often contradictory, accounts have emerged of the incident, but there is no doubt that a Buddhist mob responded by hurling stones at the shop and ended up wrecking the building.
FOMENTING DISCONTENT: Ashin Wirathu, famous for his inflammatory anti-Muslim speeches, at the Maseyein monastery in Mandalay.
That evening the riots became deadly when about 5.30pm a monk was attacked by four Muslim men who torched him alive. The monk died in hospital that same evening. Just a few hours later the city was on fire when groups of Buddhists unleashed their fury on Muslims and their properties under the gaze of security forces, who for two days watched the violence without taking any action.
Many witnesses have confirmed the failure of the police to prevent the violence. One of them is Win Htein, the local MP of the National League for Democracy (NLD), the party of Aung San Suu Kyi. Win Htein, a former army officer who spent 20 years in jail for his political activities and used to organise security for "the Lady" after her release from house arrest on November 2010, told Spectrum in the ramshackle local NLD office that he witnessed the carnage in front of the madrasa.
"I saw with my own eyes two people already dead and five more put to death in front of me."
He said he tried to protect the Muslims, but was threatened by the mob. Then he called the chief minister of Mandalay Division, Gen Ye Myint, and told him what was happening. "He said he'd already given orders to the police to take action, but there was no action at all," Win Htein said.
It took a further day before the army stepped in and restored some order in the city. By then, at least 42 people had been killed and more than 60 were injured. Those are the official estimates, but the real figures are likely to be considerably higher, considering that at least 30 people died in a single incident at the madrasa.
One local reporter who witnessed the carnage, told Spectrum that she arrived at the scene at 5pm and saw a pile of several dozen corpses just metres from the madrasa. When she went back four hours later, the pile had been set on fire.
On March 21, the young reporter saw and filmed a group of Buddhists slit the throat of a Muslim man, before dousing him with petrol and setting him on fire. She continued recording despite being told to stop, but eventually had to flee the scene when six or seven Buddhist men chased her, hitting her on the back.
The reporter said that during the time she was in Meiktila, from March 20-22, she saw only Buddhists carrying weapons and the violence was fundamentally one-sided, with the Muslims always on the receiving end.
Win Htein said the attacks were spontaneous and perpetrated by Buddhist residents of the city, but others witnesses claimed the attackers were unknown to them and seemed to be following a well coordinated plan.
Three weeks after the riots, the Muslim quarters of Meiktila are large wastelands of destroyed buildings and charred cars, resembling the aftermath of a war or natural disaster, and where the poorest inhabitants of the city scavenge for scrap to sell. More than 18,000 residents, most of them Muslims, have been displaced by the violence and most of them are now living in government-controlled camps. The camps are off-limits to journalists, but there are also unofficial camps like the one where Mon Hnin lives.
The government has announced plans to rebuild the destroyed houses within two months, but few believe in its ability or even its willingness to do so. Many Muslim refugees fear their situation might become permanent, as happened to the Muslim Rohingya in Rakhine state, in western Myanmar. Unlike the Rohingya, however, the Muslims of central Myanmar are officially recognised as citizens of the country.
LAST DEFENCE: Barricades manned by Muslim residents in Mingalar Taungyungnunt, the main Muslim quarter in Yangon. Following the violence in Meiktila, residents there have begun conducting patrols at night.
THE VIOLENCE SPREADS
After Meiktila, the anti-Muslim attacks spread to other parts of central Myanmar, getting dangerously close to the the nation's largest city, Yangon. In the Bago region, the pattern of violence against Muslim people and property was repeated in no less than 14 villages.
More than 80 refugees from Minhla, a town with a population of about 100,000, are now living in a mosque in Yangon after fleeing a wave of attacks on March 27.
Ko Maung Win (not his real name), a teacher at the local mosque recounted how a mob of Buddhist extremists attacked the mosque shortly after afternoon prayer. Nobody was killed or injured during the attacks.
LUNCHTIME LULL: Most of those displaced by ethnic violence are in government-controlled camps, however others are in unofficial camps such as this one.
He and other refugees from Minhla told Spectrum that the attacks came out of the blue, without any prior threat or warning. They said, however, that relations between the two communities had steadily soured after a monk visited the city at the end of February and gave a speech telling Buddhists to shun Muslim people and their shops. A woman who owned a grocery store in the market, and is now one of the refugees in the mosque, said she lost many Buddhist customers after the speech. Nevertheless, when the attacks started she was given refuge in the home of a Buddhist neighbour.
The violence has not yet reached Yangon, but in some of its Muslim neighbourhoods there is an almost palpable tension, particularly at night. Since the attacks in Meiktila, the residents of Mingalar Taungyungnunt, the main Muslim quarter of the former capital, have set up barricades and conduct nightly street patrols.
WHIRLWIND OF HATE: The destroyed Mingalar Thiri Muslim quarter in Meiktila.
Muslim communities are abuzz with rumours, especially after the fire in an Islamic school in Yangon that claimed the lives of 13 children in the early hours of April 2. Few people believe the official line that the fire was accidental. The haste of the authorities to say it was, and their inability to find any eyewitness accounts further contributed to people's suspicions.
Neighbours interviewed recently in the quarter said that, under the cloak of dark, people roam the streets in cars shouting threats and insults. Many of them are afraid that during the annual Songkran-like water festival there might be an attack similar to those in Meiktila and Bago. Many men sleep only a few hours a night, as they have to work at day and patrol the streets in the evening. Every entrance to the neighbourhood from the main streets is blocked with makeshift barricades manned by local men.
All of the men interviewed by Spectrum were keen to emphasise that their relations with an overwhelming majority of Buddhists have always been and continue to be peaceful and friendly. They put the blame on ill-defined groups of "Buddhist terrorists".
Like many other Muslims around the country, the residents of Mingalar Taungyungnunt feel unprotected and abandoned by local authorities and the central government. During two visits to the quarter at night, only a minimal police force could be seen on the streets.
"We don't know who these people are, but we are not afraid. If they attack us, we will fight back," said a young man in one of the barricades.
Many Muslims interviewed by Spectrum in Yangon and other places feel that Aung San Suu Kyi has also abandoned them. They expressed their disappointment with her inability to make a forceful defence of Myanmar's Muslim communities. One of the aspects of the crisis that has puzzled many international observers has been the conspicuous silence of "the Lady" and her party on the issue.
When we mentioned this to Win Htein, he said the party is willing to "accept the blame for not taking the necessary steps on behalf of the Muslims", adding that it will "repair the damage later, by getting involved in religious ceremonies and asking committees to get together, but it will be a hard task."
He said he told Aung San Suu Kyi not to go to Meiktila. ""I advised her not to come here, because people were blaming me when I supported the Muslims."
He admitted that this decison was the result of political calculation, but added, "She wouldn't be able to give a reasonable answer to the conflict, that's why I told her not to come."
THE MONK THAT PREACHES HATE
While the gold shop dispute and torching of a Buddhist monk might have been the catalysts for the recent violence, the incidents are set against a general climate of distrust, which in this case was fostered by religious and political leaders.
The anti-Muslim sentiment finds its expression in a campaign called 969, which encourages Buddhists to shop only in Buddhist outlets and calls for a defence of Buddhism in Myanmar against the supposed threat of a Islamisation. The campaign is named after the "three jewels" of Buddhism _ the nine attributes of Buddha, the six attributes of his teachings, and the nine attributes of the Sangha. There are many 969 stickers in shops, taxis and cars around Yangon and other cities.
The most visible face of the 969 movement is Ashin Wirathu, a monk from Mandalay who is famous for his anti-Muslim speeches. The boyish-looking 45 year old with a calm demeanour and soft voice was jailed in 2003 for inciting anti-Muslim riots and released under an amnesty in 2012. Spectrum met him in Masoeyein, a monastery in Mandalay whose monks are famous for their political activism.
Sitting beneath several huge portraits of himself, Ashin Wirathu explained the "Muslim conspiracy" which, according to him, threatens to engulf Myanmar.
A man full of contradictions he seems consistent only in his criticism of and dislike for Islam. He denied at first that he mentions Muslims in his speeches at all, but later admitted that he does speak about them, but only because he wants to inform people of the reality.
At one point he even claimed that 100% of rapes in Myanmar are committed by Muslims, disregarding the fact that the army is known to use rape as a weapon in its wars against ethnic insurgents.
He traced his anti-Muslim activism to 1996, when a Muslim who had converted to Buddhism gave him a supposed "secret message" circulated among Myanmar Muslims laying out their conspiracy to Islamise the country. The message included a plan to marry Buddhist women in order to convert them, and taking over the economy. Ashin Wirathu also warned that if Myanmar Buddhists do not take action, by 2100 the whole country will resemble the Mayu region of Rakhine state, an area mostly populated by Muslim Rohingya.
Ashin Wirathu recognised that Buddhists have committed acts of violence, but refused to admit that his incendiary speeches have anything to do with them. He also refused to acknowledge that his discourses incite hatred towards Muslims, stating that he is just "informing the public".
He even claimed that, should people listen to him, no Buddhist would engage in violence, despite the fact that he gave one of his trademark speeches in Meiktila just four months before the recent violence. Eventually, as a solution to the "Muslim problem", he presented a simple formula: "Buddhists can talk with Muslims, but not marry them; there can be friendship between them, but not trade."
Ashin Wirathu's words enjoy widespread publicity in the country and he is well supported by the Buddhist community, which reveres monks as the ultimate depositaries of wisdom. According to Win Htein, the NLD MP from Meiktila, Ashin Wirathu's speeches are shown in the buses operated by companies owned by the military.
In a house in Meiktila, Aye Aye Aung, a 43-year-old Buddhist woman who owns three shops in the town, showed Spectrum a DVD of one of Ashin Wirathu's speeches in which he warns against the Muslim conspiracy. She also showed us the weapon, a knife tied to a long iron bar, that her husband made the day the violence started to defend his family and property against possible Muslim attackers. She said that she was willing to let Muslims live in Meiktila, but they should be completely segregated from the rest of the population.
Ashin Wirathu claimed that 969 is a grass-roots movement without funding from powerful or wealthy people. Its publicity stickers are printed and distributed by ordinary people who act out of concern for their country, he said.
Despite his claims, several vendors at Mandalay market said the stickers are distributed by monks from Ashin Wirathu's monastery.
Ashin Gambira, a former monk and leader of the 2007 "Saffron Revolution" is one of Ashin Wirathu's main critics. He said the monk is breaking the Buddhist precept of "right speech", which exhorts followers in part to avoid saying anything that could prove harmful to others. According to him, anti-Muslim sentiment was actively promoted by the army during its five decades of dictatorship and the hatred is now "instilled in the minds of the people" to such a degree that it would not take much of an effort to "revive it at any moment".
It is a mystery who is behind the campaign and Ashin Wirathu, but many believe they enjoy the financial support of powerful people. There are also claims that they are following the plans of hard-line elements in the military who are unwilling to renounce their power and are posed to create unrest to reassert their position. The fact is that the authorities have allowed him to go around the country preaching his hatred at a particularly delicate time.
Ashin Pum Na Wontha is a 56-year-old Buddhist monk with a long history of political activism dating back to 1988. He now belongs to the Peace Cultivation Network, an organisation established to promote understanding between different faiths and communities.
In a recent interview conducted at his monastery in Yangon, he told Spectrum that Ashin Wirathu is a merely a puppet "motivated by his vanity and thirst for fame".
"Wirathu and the 969 movement receive financial support from the cronies," he said, referring to a group of about 30 rich men linked to the military and the government who control the nation's economy. Several Muslim businessmen have huge assets and, according to Ashin Pum Na Wontha, the cronies would like to get their hands on them.
He said he also believes the military is involved in the violence, as a way to destabilise the country and have the chance to present itself as the sole institution capable of re-establishing the law and order. According to his analysis, the military does not want to recover full power, as it had following the 1962 coup of Gen Ne Win, but to "go back to 1958".
In that year, Ne Win took power temporarily from U Nu, the first prime minister of Myanmar, and established a caretaker government that lasted 18 months. At that time, the army was able to present itself as the defender of democracy and stability in the country.
Inter-religious and communal tensions had long existed in Myanmar before Gen Ne Win took full power in 1962. Anti-Indian and anti-Muslim riots exploded in Yangon in 1930 and 1938 due to the resentment of the Myanmar people towards Indians who had entered the country with the arrival of the British colonisers. As today, the riots were often incited by Buddhist nationalist monks.
Ne Win and the military junta that replaced him played this religious ultra-nationalist and racist card for the entirety of their rules. Muslims and other non-Buddhists were barred from the upper echelons of the army and, almost immediately after Ne Win's coup, he expelled hundreds of thousands of Indians from the country.
He also fostered a sense of a Myanmar identity strongly linked to ethnicity and religion, which has been the breeding ground for waves of anti-Muslim violence, like this most recent one, which threatens to spiral out of control and spread to large parts of the country.
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 05:40 AM PDT
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 05:37 AM PDT
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 05:32 AM PDT
April 29, 2013
Just finished reading the 186-page Presidential Rohingya Ethnic Cleansing Commission report!
It's the worst piece of rubbish, intellectually, ideologically, empirically and analytically, I have read since my graduate school days in California in the late 1980s.
I have followed this Inquiry Commission since its inception on 17 August. I have done so not simply because it was presided over by my old history teacher at Mandalay University in 1982 or that its secretary was my beer-buddy when he was a fresh arrival at Cornell in the fall of 1994, but because my life-long professional interest is strategic symbioses between home-grown dodgy regimes and the Establishment intellectuals. (Of course, how President Thein Sein et al are using the inquiry commissions – Aung San Suu Kyi-led Letpadaung Mountain Copper Mine Inquiry Commission, now the Rohingya Ethnic Cleansing Inquiry Commission, etc. – ought to be studied for what they are: strategic decoys, distractions and public relation exercises in whitewash. This is a story for later).
As a product of such unholy alliance, the Commission's report is as un-professional, non-independent and un-principled as you get.
Devoid of crucial truths, it is a document utterly un-informed by any well-established analytical concepts (such as 'ethnic formation', 'identity formation', 'state's mobilization' in genocide studies, 'discourse', 'nationalism', 'history', etc.) through which all scholars and researchers of the social world attempt to make sense of even ordinary human affairs, including genocides.
The total absence of any relevant concepts and analyses pertaining to nation-states and formation of ethnic groups is all the more shocking. For both the Commission's Chair and Secretary, Myo Myint and Kyaw Yin Hlaing, were both students of Benedict O' G' Anderson at Cornell whose claim to scholarly fame is his elegant construction of nations and nationalism as crucially the outcome of elite and popular imagination.
Neither was able to entertain the possibility that 60-years is enough for any ethnic group to forge a new identity. They should know both the ethnic labels Chin or Kachin were externally imposed by the British colonial administrators and American Baptist missionaries on the 'natives' who identified themselves tribally and as clans, the new ethnic labels were less than 50 years old upon independence in 1948.
Ethno-religiously, the commission is a good mix, that is, except the Rohingya. Dr Myo Myint (Bama or Bama-identified), Khun Tun Oo (Shan), Jana Lahtaw (Kachin), Dr Salai Andrew (Chin), U Soe Thein (a Bama), Dr Yin Yin Nwe (Shan-Bama), Dr Kyaw Yin Hlaing (Shan-Bama), Zarganar (Bama), Aung Naing Oo (Bama), Tin Aung Moe (Bama), Daw Than Than Nu (Bama), (Vet) Dr Aye Maung (Rakhine with neo-Nazi views), Aye Thar Aung (ultra-nationalist Rakhine), Rev. Margay Gyi (Karen), U Tun Aung Chain (Karen), etc. There are also Myanmar Muslims (ethnically Indians) and Myanmar Hindu.
With the exception of the Muslim commissioners, none of these ethno-religious diverse commissioners fought against the State-sponsored ethnocide of the Rohingya, the intellectual and ideological sin which the commission apparently committed effectively. The two Muslim leaders who challenged this ethnocide and stood up for the Rohingya's own 'imagined identity' were kicked out citing frivolous charges of speaking to the press about the inquiry (while other pliant ones who also spoke the media were left un-touched).
In fact, the commission sought to confirm the popular anti-Muslim racism without problematizing the recent growth of this increasingly virulent strain of Islamophobia and anti-Bengali sentiment across all 'indigenous national races' of Burma.
The Commission did raise concerns about the 969 and its divisive impact on ethnic and social relations in society as well as a potential stain on Burma's national image; but, it fell far short of pointing out the need to take seriously the new neo-Fascist turn in the country's well-known anti-Muslim "Buddhist" racism. The report's authors chose to describe 'now world-infamous 969 rather mildly: 'a campaign among the Buddhist to defend their own faith and to encourage intra-Buddhist commerce and trade'.
All this is troubling, but not un-expected. For it was under the Religious Affairs Director-Generalship of Commission Chair Dr Myo Myint the proliferation of anti-Muslim quasi-religious publications, long before the previous crop of ruling Burmese generals allowed the 'greater freedom of press, assembly and speech'. The leading voice of 969, Wirathu recently told the Associated Press that his views were formed as early as 2001.
Sadly, nearly half the commission are my old – and now former – friends. Their collective document is unmistakably Bama racist/Orientalist in orientation, treating both communities in conflict with a typical popular Bama contempt and dislike.
This is adding insult to injury to both parties in conflict, namely the Rakhines and the Rohingya.
the Rakhines are portrayed, essentially as "Lazy Natives", who couldn't compete with the thrifty, business savvy, hard-working "Bangali", without the intervention of the State and its blood-based neo-fascist 1982 Citizenship Act.
The Rohingyas didn't fare any better: they were described as 'elementary school children-like people who, having obtained commission members' hand phone numbers from their Muslim contacts in Rangoon, kept on calling the Commission members in Rangoon to blabber on about their sufferings and whine abuot their grievances'.
It repeats what has turned out to be factually incorrect,as pointed out by the more honest members – (in the context of this ethnic cleansing commission, honesty is a relative concept!): that the 3-alleged rapists who murdered Ms Thida Htwe were described as "Bengali" (Rohingya, that is).
this rape case is vitally important because the commission identified it as the trigger for anti-'bengali' mobilization by the Rakhine nationalists, politicians and Rakhine parties.
But these arrested and alleged rapists were officially registered as 2 Kaman Muslim and a Rakhine adopted by a Rohingya Muslim family, in Pauk-taw Township.
Zarganar, one of the 5 members who held the press conference at Myanmar Peace Center at the release of the report, interviewed the doctor who performed the post mortem of her corpse told him on camera that there was no sign of her having been raped – she was brutally murdered and her jewelry were gone. But she was NOT raped.
Then there was no mention of the 'suicide in police custody' of one of the alleged rapists – Mr Htet Htet, a non-Bangali adopted son of a Bengali family. Nor was there any mention of the fact that his freshly windowed wife was also found dead, 'having drowned' in a local well.
Was there a foul play here?
Most curiously, Zarganar, the well-respected political comedian and dissident who went to jail for 4 times since 1988 uprisings signed off on the report which contained statements which he knew are patently and verifiably false. As a matter of fact, it was he who established these facts!
The whole document has too many inter-contradictions and inconsistencies which are explained nowhere.
The report raised the issue of the lack of or weak inter-agency coordination among the army, intelligence, civil admin, immigration, attorney general's office, Rakhine chief/prime minister's office. And it discussed how and why the security forces and constitutive agencies only listened to direct orders from Naypyidaw.
But the commission chose not to ask why Naypyidaw failed to issue order to provide adequate measures to protect the targeted Rohingya communities. Instead Thein Sein's National Defense and Intelligence Council (or Kar-lon in Burmese) did nothing to mobilize security forces to protect the Rohingya, the troops which President Thein Sein and his men knew will obey only direct orders from ministerial headquarters under the nose of the peace-pursuing President.
Perhaps one silver living in the dark cloud which the commission's report is it emphatically and accurately states that local authorities in Rakhine State have absolutely no power to order security forces including army, police, border-control interagency troops, etc. to do anything and that only central government of Thein Sein has that authority.
As I pointed out the question is 'Why did the union level leadership of President Thein Sein and his deputies on the Council in Naypyidaw choose not to mobilize the troops which make up Southeast Asia's largest security establishment after VietNam?
Alas, this is the question that fell outside the purview of the Presidential Commission.
Further, the statistics are thrown around throughout the 186-page document often with no accompanying narrative or explanation, or a convincing or cogent one.
It didn't even bother to account for its own official statistics from the government.
The greatest number of deaths and destruction were borne by the Rohingyas. And yet a highly disproportionate number of the Rohingya vis-a-vis the Rakhine have been tried and being tried. In the first wave of Rohingya-Rakhine violence June last year 4,188 Rohingya homes were destroyed while the Rakhine suffered the loss of 1,150 homes. In the second wave of violence in October, 2,371 Rohingya homes were destroyed as opposed to only 42 homes that belonged to the Rakhine.
And again, out of a total of 1.835 arrested in connection with the mass violence, 1,589 are Rohingya and only 246 are Rakhine. Perhaps the scholarly presidential investigators on the Rakhine Sectarian Violence Inquiry Commission could advance and test a hypothesis that the economic productivity of Rakhine Buddhists – all Buddhists in Burma? - must be inversely correlated with the destructive capacity of the group.
The commission's official statistic implies the awesome power of a small group of Rakhine – 246 to be exact, to destroy thousands of homes and dozens of mosques in about 12 different towns and cities and turn over 120,000 Rohingya refugees homeless, shelter-less internally displaced persons in a span of 5 months.
After all, the Rakhine ultra-nationalists are reportedly hence hell-bent on 'driving out the non-Rakhine, most particularly, the Rohingya Hoax, or those (Bengali) "Influx Viruses", as the leading Rakhine intellectual Dr Aye Chan of Kanda University in Japan put it.
If this number of Rakhine terrorizers, arsonists and slaughters doesn't seem quite convincing, given the magnitude of death and devastation they had wrought throughout northern and southern Rakhine State, then who else was there, aiding and abetting the principal terrorisers among the Rakhine who wanted "Rakhine State only for the Rakhine"?
No single case wherein any official, security or civil, was held accountable for his or her leadership failure, or worse, participation in the pogroms.
According to Zarganar, one of the more truthful commissioners, his official request that the investigators be allowed to unfettered access to all the important officials alive, past and present, who have ever served in Western Burma over the past 25 years was never been granted. He told me that many of the officials were transferred to remote places after the Commission was formed on 17 August.
"What was Naypyidaw trying to conceal?" was the question, that of course, lied outside the mandated scope of the Presidential Inquiry Commission.
The spread of rumors and hate-speech on the social media was touched on as an important issue, and yet no attempt was made to point out that President Thein Sein's spokespersons – Major Zaw Htay – and Deputy Minister of Information Mr Ye Htut – are internationally known figures who use social media to disseminate deliberately false news and engage in hate and fear-mongering. For instance, Zaw Htay was spreading knowingly inaccurate news, for instance, 'a group of armed radical Muslims have entered Rakhine from Bangladesh side' while Ye Htut was spreading official lies 'no need for further provision of shelter for the Bengali IDPs because the government has provided them with everything for the coming rainy season'.
The report itself recommends urgent provision of adequate shelter and other humanitarian assistance because of the dire, overcrowded IDP camps for 100,000-plus "Bengali'.
Echoing the International Crisis Group's monocausal explanation – communal violence often accompanies democratic openings! – the presidential commission report saw the greater freedom of speech as a causal explanation for the spread of the hate speech.
Obviously, Presidential spokespersons are officially exercising their new found freedoms to spread hate-filled rumors and fabricated fear-inducing tweets!
Some facts are also inconvenient for the Commission made up of the nation's distinguished members.
The commission decided it was worth noting that it purged Haji U Nyunt Maung Shein and U Tin Maung Than, the two prominent and non-pliant Muslim members of the Commission: pushing for the truths about the 'communal violence'. The push for truths obviously go down well with neither Chairman Dr Myo Myint nor the then Border Control Minister Lt-General Thein Htay.
The Chairman Myo Myint was on record saying to U Tin Maung Than that 'the welfare and security of these people are not the commission's responsibility, nor do you need to send President Thein Sein important updates'.
The 8-mandates by Thein Sein in fact do not include any study of the role of the State, its institutions, or the responsibilities of the national leadership (see the Appendix B).
The Commission claimed to have done its archival works at the National Archives, browsed private provision of documents from both the Rakhine and the "Bengali", and "researched in some big university libraries abroad".
But its report skipped or blatantly ignored most directly relevant official documents – such as the Burmese Encyclopedia, official transcripts of the speeches made by the senior most military leaders pertaining to the official recognition of the Rohinga, the official pronouncements during U Nu's parliamentary democracy rule announcing the recognition of the Rohingya as, yes, ROHINGYA, both ethnically and as fully fledged citizens of Burma.
Above all this official Inquiry Commission report simply reinforced the State-sponsored Rohingya ethnocide and chose to overlook the elephant in the room – the military state and its crucial role in the Rohingya ethnic cleansing. The Commission must have known someone else or some other non-native organizations such as Human Rights Watch was going to do an independent and more professional job!
The commission wasn't mandated to seek accountability of those who were centrally involved in the genocide of the Rohingya. In the last section on the bibliography, for the commission which littered the words 'human rights' in numerous places and international legal norms, its report shows no sign that it even bothered to glance either at the Universal Declaration of Human Rights or UN Conventions on the Prevention and Punishment of the Genocide. The commission didn't deem it worth its while to consult with either the research findings and reports from the Arakan Project or the National University of Galway's authoritative "Crimes Against Humanity in Western Burma".
In fact, the commission considered the use of 'ethnic cleansing' part of an attempt to unduly internationalize local issues and an act of INGO exaggeration.
The Commissioners were at ease when advocating gentle and 'voluntary' population control of the Rohingya who are "too destitute to entertain themselves in any other ways than having a great deal of marital sex and procreating (like rabbits) which adds to the already acute sense of insecurity among the Rakhine.
Instead of shedding light on the utter inaction of the characteristically trigger-happy Burmese security forces – both the police, riot police and the army, the Commissioners focused on highlighting the need to modernize these already heavily and happily armed troops. The fist one-dozen recommendations as contained in the 4-page English language Executive Summary are all about security sector modernization, not reform as such. The report recommends that the international community (Washington?) helps equip Burmese security forces with sorts of toys including CCTV, assault speedboats, new weapons, etc. to deal with the cardinal cross-border problem of Bangladesh's 'population explosion'. I am sure the Pentagon would love to help bring the Tatmadaw (the army) and other auxiliary units such as Lon-htein to the human rights standards of Abu Ghraib, and so would Canberra.
The commission's report must indeed be music to the allied ears of President Thein Sein and the emerging 'axis of evil', namely the Burmese-military capitalists and Western commercial and strategic interests, pursuing new markets and a new China Containment strategy.
Even Burma's civil society, manufactured by EU and international 'donors', which is taking a rather neo-Nazi Buddhist turn, must be very pleased at the commission's emphatic framing of the genocide as simply 'communal violence. Alas, this is the civil society that refuses to call 'ethnic cleansing in their midst' by its name. In the words of Mr Aung Myo Min, a Myanmar human rights educator from the Human Rights Education Institute (HREIB): "In such a sensitive situation, the use of the phrase 'ethnic cleansing' is unacceptable. Ethnic Cleansing means eliminating other ethnic groups. This is not the case [in Rakhine State]."
The inventor of Double-Speak worked in Burma during the colonial period in the 1920s. Orwell's ghost is apparently roaming in 'democratic' Myanmar, possessing the dissidents, technocratic whores, ethnic nationalities leaders, 'moderate and pliant' religious figures, 'human rights educators' and civil society leaders.
This must be a new Myanma, with a clean government pursuing good governance and transparency. The new policy of this soon-to-be clean government is going to approach the issue of 'communal violence' holistically, preventatively and through the use of 'weapons for conflict resolution' (white phosphorous as was fired on sleeping monks at 2 am by the Burmese security forces last year?). There will be established an 'early warning system' – warning of new genocidal waves?. More empirical research and survey is advocated. A new inquiry commission that will look at even the deeper causes of the 'communal violence' in Western Burma is recommended. A newer peace and conflict resolution to be located in the region — near the mass graves? – is also advisable.
Donors should stay tune!
This posting includes an audio/video/photo media file: Download Now
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 05:13 AM PDT
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 05:22 AM PDT
Barely hours after 'indelible' ink was used for the first time in Malaysia, complaints have emerged that the ink is in fact removable. This is contrary to the Election Commission's (EC) assurance that traces of the ink would last at least seven days on the finger after being painted on with a brush. One soldier, who had marked his ballot in advance voting this morning, said he had removed most of the ink with water alone - just six hours later. "Only 30 percent is left, and I haven't even used soap yet. "The standard is like stamp (ink) pads, which is not very strong. "On the nail, it is 100 percent gone. It is a little difficult to remove from the seams. "On the skin, I think it would be gone with rigorous washing with soap," the soldier, who did not wish to be named, said in a text-message. PKR vice-president Tian Chua said some 20 security personnel had approached him to demonstrate how the ink could be "entirely" removed with hand sanitiser gel.
"This is very disappointing," Tian Chua told Malaysiakini when contacted, adding that he had lodged a report at 2pm today at the Taman Koperasi Polis police station, Batu Caves. "Even the police officer (receiving the report) herself had already washed it off," he said. Chua also called for EC chief Abdul Aziz Mohd Yusof's resignation.
Another PKR vice-president, Nurul Izzah Anwar, tweeted that she had made a similar police report in Sentul after a military personnel showed how the ink could be removed with Dettol (a disinfectant brand) or hand sanitisers.
Asked by a Twitter follower how she knew that the claim was authentic, she replied, "Because the ink was slowly removed in front of us and the press."
Photographs of index fingers stained with ink, matching the colour used in the advance voting today, have also been circulated on Facebook. These show the ink in various stages of being removed. The captions state that thinner that is used to remove paint stains is an effective 'indelible' ink remover, while others claimed that soap works just as well. In some images posted on the Internet, ink stains could still be seen on the edges of the fingernail after attempts to clean it off. EC chief: Let the police investigate Malaysiakini received a call from a person claiming to be a police personnel, who said the ink could be removed with thinner, but this could not be independently verified.
When contacted for comment, Abdul Aziz (left) said via text-message: 'If that is the case, let the police investigate whether this is true, since they have already lodged police reports.' "According to testing by the EC, it cannot be removed (with soap, thinner or hand sanitiser) and can still be detected," he added in another message.
The use of the ink is among the demands made by Bersih, the coalition for clean and fair elections. This was subsequently taken up by the parliamentary select committee on electoral reform as a move to deter 'phantom voters' from voting several times under a false identity. Meanwhile, independent election observer Pemantau told a press conference today that their observers have reported three cases of voters being able to remove the ink. One case has been reported in Sibu, one in Kelantan, and the other in the Batu parliamentary seat in Kuala Lumpur. Pemantau urged the EC to explain the situation as soon as possible and even replace the ink if necessary ahead of polling day on May 5.
Pemantau's steering committee member Maria Chin Abdullah (right) said that the latest development "tantamounts to cheating" as the ink was supposed to prevent double voting.
She said that the EC should hold a public demonstration on the indelible ink as well to explain the usage of indelible ink before polling day. Maria said that a police report has been lodged in Batu over the ink and the matter has been communicated to the EC by incumbent Batu MP Tian Chua.
"But the EC chairperson wants us to write an official letter. There's no time for this kind of bureaucracy," she said.
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 04:43 AM PDT
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 04:58 AM PDT
My friends, don't you want to know who ordered the murder of Altantuya? Then go for change.
Don't you want to know who was caught with the pants down in Port Dickson? Then go for change.
Don't you want to know how thousands of acres of land were transferred to cronies at ridiculously low prices? Then go for change.
Don't you want to know how the carpet-man Deepak bribed Najib and Rosmah by giving them millions of ringgit? Then go for change!
Don't you want to know how Mahathir robbed us of our electoral victories through his scandalous IC project in Sabah? Then go for change.
Don't you want to know how Petronas money is used and abused and squandered without being accountable? Then go for change!
Don't you want to know how Mahathir's son got a huge contract from Petronas? Then go for change!
Don't you want to know how Umnoputras own expensive mansions and other properties in London and elsewhere? Then go for change!
Friends, we can make change happen! Let us speak to our friends and family members to come out in full force to vote on polling day. Every vote counts. And your role is very crucial.
Change is in your hands, my friends.
The above speech was delivered by P Ramakrishnan at a forum held at the Church of the Immaculate Conception in Pulau Tikus, Penang on 21 April 2013 Go here for the article in full, extracted from Aliran
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 04:21 AM PDT
From The Malaysian Chronicle
PKR vice president N Surendran warned caretaker Prime Minister Najib Razak to cease all attempts to seize and bury the body of dead security guard C Sugumar, saying it was an "illegal act" that showed Najib's desperation to cover up yet another fatal foul-up by the police.
Najib has no right to seize Sugumar's body - Surendran
"It is as if Sugumar is a dead animal by the roadside. Cruelty and injustice - that is the trademark of the BN government. What is Najib's answer? Instead of giving us a solution, they have now threatened to seize the body," Surendran told a press conference on Tuesday
What type of govt is this? - Sugumar's uncle
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 05:14 AM PDT
Anisah Shukry | April 29, 2013 From Free Malaysia Today
The Prison Fellowship Malaysia is afraid that if left unabated, prisoners across Malaysia will be deprived of their religious books at the hands of the authorities. PETALING JAYA: Hundreds of Malay and Iban-language bibles with the word 'Allah' have been confiscated from a prison in Sibu, revealed the Prison Fellowship Malaysia (PFM), sparking uproar among the Christian community just days before May 5 general election. This is in spite of the Cabinet's 2011 10-point resolution, which allows the Bumiputera Christian population in Sabah and Sarawak to bring in and use their bibles in Malay as well as in indigenous languages. "These past two weeks, [prison authorities] kept taking away the Malay and Iban-language bible from the prisoners because they have the word Allah in it," PFM executive director Prem Kumar told FMT.
"So now these prisoners have got nothing to read, and they really need help," he added. Prem said authorities began seizing the religious books after the Sibu Prison director wrote a letter to the prison headquarters in Kajang, questioning the use of "Allah" bibles by inmates.
The Kajang headquarters then replied: "…For your information, the Malaysian Prison Department through memo JP/PML/Kp/2 (58) dated July 25, 2011 titled 'Use of Illegal Publication As Teaching Tools' clearly mentions [guidelines on the use of books or articles containing the word Allah in Sarawak prisons]. "As such, you are required to take appropriate action over this," reads the Feb 22 memo, which is signed by Prisoner Management Director Jamaludin Saad.
"So the [Sibu Prison] director took appropriate action and that action was to confiscate the bibles," said Prem although he added that the English and Chinese language bibles, which do not contain the word 'Allah', were not seized. He also said as of now, only "Allah" bibles in the Sibu Prison were confiscated, although he feared that authorities would soon do the same to other prisons if their actions were left unchallenged. "We talked to [Sibu prison officers], they said they received the information from the headquarters so [because of that] they were taking the bibles. "We cannot challenge them, we are just volunteers registered with the prisons department with no political clout," he added.
No reply from PMO
Prem has since turned to the Council of Churches of Malaysia (CCM) to help in the matter, but they, too, appear to have hit a brick wall. CCM executive council member Chrisanne Chin told FMT that the council wrote a letter to the prime minister as well as the Prime Minister's Office two weeks ago, but have yet to receive a reply. "Obviously the prison authorities' actions contravene the 10 point resolution sent out in 2011 by the prime minister," Chin stressed. But when contacted, the National Prison Secretariat member Shukri Hashim told FMT he knew nothing about the memo sent to the Sibu Prison. "I don't know about this Al-Kitab and received no report on this," he insisted.
Shukri also declined to state whether such a memo was in line with prison rules. Meanwhile, neither Jamaludin nor the Sibu Prison director were available for comment despite numerous attempts. The Christian community, which comprise about 9% of the country's 28 million population, have for years been locked in a tussle with the BN-lead government over the use of the word "Allah" by non-Muslims. In 2009, the High Court allowed the use of the word "Allah" in the Catholic weekly newspaper Herald. But the government has appealed against the decision. The Court of Appeal has fixed May 30 for case management of the appeal.
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 04:13 AM PDT
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 04:07 AM PDT
In Putrajaya, Dr M doesn't skimp on sexual innuendos
Versey: This satanic old fox is getting more and more unbecoming and disgusting that his foul mouth brings great shame to all right and reasonable thinking Malaysians. When he talked about "This 'dirty' work stinks, how could one do such thing? So people like this cannot be prime minister", it is a precise description of no other person than this wicked ex-premier himself. Shame on him and his family. It is nigh time that someone in his family should do their best to put a bridle on his mouth.
Hang Tuah: I attended Dr Mahathir Mohamad's ceramah, too, though I am neutral. My friends were there too. Many people are saying, "Ini dah terlampau." If you believe in Allah, how come you are behaving this way. If this is the way you conduct your campaign, BN and Umno will be finished. Mind you, many Umno members also do not agree with the way you conducted the ceramah.
Jiminy Qrikert: The court has cleared Pakatan Rakyat leader Anwar Ibrahim. The rakyat have embraced Anwar as PM-in-waiting. Anwar has forgiven Mahathir for sending him to jail for six years. Anwar has emerged from this incarceration stronger than ever. There is nothing that Mahathir can now say or do that will stop Anwar's march to Putrajaya. Anwar will be PM come May 6.
Tholu: Tun, you have lost the moral high ground to talk about the morality of others when you have resorted to cheap and shameful character assassination instead of debating and countering the opposition's argument on pertinent policy matters that would mould the social and economic future of this country. To you, the future of Malaysia seems to revolve only around sexual activities. Is the corruption, abuse of power, cronyism and nepotism (by which one of your children became the 13th richest man in Malaysia) which you passionately pursued, pristine acts of morality? And to think you were once the prime minister of this nation. Shame on you.
CQ Muar: Mahathir will go down in history as Malaysia's dirtiest former PM ever. This dictator is getting more senile by the day, most definitely caused by fear as the GE gets nearer. He knows his so-called power and all the crimes will come to an abrupt end, followed by long arms of the law in which he will be penalised accordingly. The majority of the rakyat are looking forward to this day when Mahathir, his cronies and all at Umno will be punished. The evils and crimes are way too complex to elaborate - therefore, this nation reserves the right to put an end to all those responsible so that this country will be free and democratic which it rightfully deserves. May the wishes of the rakyat be blessed and answered in order that we can proudly stand as one, Malaysians with dignity and honour, free of racism. Therefore, let's pool our resources and attention towards a better tomorrow - terminate the corruptible leeches once and for all, vote for change on May 5.
Cala: Indeed, author Barry Wain (2009, 2012) was correct in his assessment of Umno. After ruling Malaysia for so many years, the ruling elites have been accustomed to act for themselves that they have lost the vision they preached when they first started. So Umno is now a party without any idea and direction of what they should do next. For clue, see the everyday rhetoric and rumblings of Mahathir. Talk about corruption, the easiest way to appreciate the magnitude of abuse of power is in the award of independent power plants (IPPs) licences during Mahathir's tenure. I remember reading the annual operating profit of some two dozens of them, each making anything from RM200 million to RM800 million a year. Check it up yourself. One religious ex-TNB chairperson refused to partake in the scheme when he said he did not want future Malaysians to urinate on his grave.
AnakPinang: At 87, this man is still unrepentant. Engaging in gutter politics, using the lowest common denominator and harping on the past grievances speak of a petty, spiteful and vengeful character - one which till today has only venom to spew. Mahathir may be an old man, but age has not watered the evil in his character. He claims he will not be PM forever, but the rakyat know better. Anwar was acquitted of charges, yet this Muslim dredges up smut and innuendos to humiliate and shame. To those of you who had voted for this monster, I hope you are ashamed.
Ghkok: Mahathir, no one believes you any more. You have lost all credibility. You have lost all integrity. You have lost all respect. You have lost all dignity. You continue to slander (fitnah) a much respected, pious, dignified and competent leader called Anwar, who have tons of integrity more than you. You slandered, tortured, humiliated and persecuted him, and yet he chose not to seek vengeance. Such is the character of the person. In 2004, Amnesty International declared Anwar a prisoner of conscience. Mahathir, it's time for you to look for your own conscience, for surely even you have some of that.
Omega: Anwar can never be clean as long as he is in Umno. When he was sacked and arrested, I thought that he was a goner for good. But despite of all the odds stacked against him, he bounced back strongly as the leader of Pakatan. This is no fluke and money cannot buy this, Anwar has to be a person made of strong substance in order to pull through all these. So how can you say he is not fit to lead us? How many of us can actually survived what Anwar had gone through?
Billy The Kid: Anwar's sexual orientation is not important to me, Mahathir. I am very much concerned about how our national leaders run this country. Talking about corruption and manipulation in politics, you are the very person who has mastered it all. Don't try to hoodwink the rakyat anymore. Billions of dollars of enriching yourself, family and cronies not enough?
Mohican: What an unforgiving, vindictive, irreligious, irrepressible and self-centered character who is in a mighty hurry to save the ill-begotten loot stolen from the people. He is afraid if somebody else is the PM, he and his children will be exposed and his followers will end up in jail.
Abasir: I am sure that he shares jokes of a sexual nature with his grandchildren. He has no qualms doing so. He is the reason Islam in Malaysia is perceived as a religion obsessed with sex and nothing else.
BN has nothing much to show but sex
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 03:40 AM PDT
GE13 SPECIAL Less than one week before Malaysians cast their vote in what is arguably the most competitive election in history, the campaign has taken a worrying turn. In what has been part of a no-holds-barred strategy, the use of fear and division has come to the fore, especially on the part of the BN. It is thus important to highlight some of the underlying forces that are being mobilised in this fierce contest and shed light on the political and economic interests that support them. Indeed, this election is bringing to the surface many of the challenges of transforming a political system that has fed on insecurity.
Stoking emotions over religion
With regular reports of the hudud and 'kalimah' (Allah) issues supposedly dividing the opposition featuring prominently in the mainstream press, and older stalwarts in the opposition being provoked to react often by a swarm of mainstream media journalists peppering questions to misquote and take out of context, the aim is to show that the opposition cannot govern while simultaneously stoking fears of religious marginalisation across communities. PAS is continually painted as the harbinger of the dark ages, cutting off hands and wiping out non-Muslim freedoms. While the DAP is characterised as an enemy of Islam, which will undercut the position of the religion. These are very strong negative caricatures that do a disservice to the complexity of the issues and are just plain wrong.
Everyone appreciates that there are differences between the Islamist PAS and DAP, and these differences are part-and-parcel of the reality of the diversity in the country. Malaysians themselves are divided over religion, with many Malays supporting the introduction of hudud laws and others opposing them. Views also differ on the contentious 'kalimah' issue. One has to distinguish between the right to have different beliefs and the introduction of these in government. Pakatan Rakyat's manifesto is clear that the opposition agrees to support the religious freedom of all communities and decisions would be made on consensus. Many devout Muslims also appreciate that the country's moral foundation needs priority.
Legally, any hudud measure has multiple obstacles, from the passage from the Royal Council to a two-thirds vote in parliament. This is not going to happen in today's political context. As such, the fear provocation is just a political ploy harping back to early decades of misunderstanding and distrust.
In search of healing
For five years, the opposition parties have worked together to strengthen their common ground. The Pakatan manifesto is not calling for the imposition of religious law or taking the rights away from communities. Rather it is calling for greater introduction of shared religious principles. The most prominent of these is the reduction of corruption in the system. It is also calling for honesty and more transparency. It is searching for healing, with a focus on justice. We see also the underlying clarion call for common respect and dialogue across faiths, a practice that only enhances bonds and mutual understanding.
The overall record of the opposition governments in office has been to protect faiths and enhance shared principles. One thing that unites the opposition is the shared interest in forging a moral compass in governance, where greed, impunity from the law and religion used to promote division are not the norm. This is not to say the process will be easy. Anything in life worth fighting for is never easy. Globally, Malaysia's opposition stands out for bringing difference together. Arguably, no where in the world has the bond between secular and Islamists groups been stronger. Nevertheless, the hudud and 'kalimah' issues are not going away, and discussions will continue.
It will take mature leadership to bring the dialogue away from the polarised simplisitic mantra of the past towards a more nuanced discourse. This will rest heavily on the skills of younger leaders from both sides of the political fence. Najib Razak's government projects itself as a model for multi-ethnic religious cooperation. Yet, BN has been at the helm of promoting difference, and its record on religious understanding is mixed at best. Many of the sensitive issues of religion have been put in cold storage in the wake of the emotive church bombings in early 2010. Its tactic to woo the non-Muslim religious institutions has been largely financial, with money given to repair and construct houses of worship, rather than to deal with the underlying concerns.
Whoever wins this election, the fact is that these issues are not going away anytime soon and will require a more inclusive dialogue for a more robust long-lasting respectful engagement over religion. Differences over issues is normal, what is important is how those differences are handled.
Mahathirism and racial insecurity
Besides the issue of religion, there has been the open use of racial insecurity as a means to mobilise voters. The formula is one of old politics - that of the bygone Mahathir era. Malays have been told their position is going to be usurped by the Chinese, while the Chinese have been sent threatening letters suggesting another May 13 riot. DAP leader Lim Kit Siang continues to be accused of provoking the 1969 riots, even though he was not in Peninsular Malaysia when they happened.
Racial propaganda based on factual inaccuracies, such as the 'Tanda Putera' movie - reportedly standing in the wings of mass public showings and currently screened in private - has now become so common place that everything spouted raises questions of credibility.
However, Malaysia has moved beyond this zero-sum racial paradigm. In numbers, the Malays supporting the opposition actually outnumber the Chinese, although a larger share of Chinese support the opposition. Pakatan's support is multiracial and the ethnic composition of its candidates highlights that politics is moving beyond race. Mahathir and Mahathirites such as Ibrahim Ali and Zulkilfli Nordin want to hold it back, to move Malaysia back in time. The purpose is simple - to hold onto power. The tactics aim to scare, but where the BN is miscalculating is that their efforts are being interpreted very differently than in the past - as a case of sheer desperation rather than genuinely transformative. Najib's record on 1Malaysia is being seriously questioned. How much these tactics are seen for what they are, or struck a cord of doubt will be known in the days ahead.
Political economy underbelly
Clearly, Mahathir and his politics aim to protect and extend his legacy, with little attention to the potential harm they will bring. While the racial and religious cards are blatant, there are other economic interests at play that are part of this legacy protection. There are vested business interests seeking to keep the current government in power. These groups comprised cronies with government-linked monopolies, those benefiting from special licences, and the illegal economy that is tied closely to those that might turn a blind eye for a payoff. These actors are heavily vested in the status quo and their financial interests and special relationships are tied to the existing government.
It is not a coincidence that wealthy tycoons have paid for dinners of multiple thousands, hosted entertainers at unknown costs, and in some cases are actually contributing to campaign funds for vote buying as well as guaranteeing the votes of their employees and distribution network.
While business interests are always involved in campaign financing, the scope and form of open involvement in this election is greater and more direct. The amount of money is also record-breaking, with lucky draws and prizes galore. Thus, this is not just an election about the BN, but their economic allies, with many of these actors conditioned on special access and treatment. Many of these relationships were forged during the Mahathir era, as his legacy continues to shape this election. The protection of special interests and issues of race and religion ironically have become drivers of change.
They are also raising the level of contestation and emotions, which is spilling over into violence. So far, this election has had the largest number of reports of intimidation and violence in decades, now over 1,400 incidents and three small bombings. People are nervous as fear is being sowed openly and threats made. The burden now, more than ever, rests on the police to investigate and do their job, for leaders across the divide to look out for the common interest, not self-interest, and for wisdom and restraint to prevail.
It is essential not to let the past cast a shadow on the country's future.
DR BRIDGET WELSH is associate professor of political science at Singapore Management University. She is travelling around Malaysia to provide her GE13 analyses exclusively to Malaysiakini. Bridget can be reached at email@example.com.
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 05:01 AM PDT
PAS menggesa Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya (SPR) memberi penjelasan mengenai penyebaran maklumat tentang keraguan penggunaan dakwat kekal oleh para pengundi yang turun membuat undian awal pada hari ini.
Ahli Jawatankuasa Kerja PAS Pusat, Asmuni Awi berkata, PAS mendapat aduan bahawa dakwat yang digunakan pada pengundian awal hari ini tidak kekal dan boleh dibasuh.
Menurutnya, gambar tentang cap jari yang tidak kekal itu telah tersebar luas di laman sosial menyebabkan kegusaran rakyat khususnya yang akan mengundi pada Ahad ini.
"Kami mendapat banyak maklumat tentang dakwat kekal yang digunakan pada hari ini tidak kekal dan boleh dibasuh.
"Adakah benar maklumat yang kami terima ini? Jika benar, PAS meminta penjelasan daripada pihak SPR kerana sebelum ini mereka telah memberi jaminan bahawa dakwat kekal tersebut boleh bertahan sekurang-kurangnya selama tiga hari," katanya dalam sidang media di Pejabat Sekretariat Pakatan Rakyat Perak, Ipoh, dekat sini hari ini.
Hadir sama ialah Pengerusi Pakatan Rakyat Perak, Datuk Seri Nizar Jamaluddin, Setiausahanya, Dr Khairuddin Abdul Malik dan Pengerusi DAP Perak, Datuk Ngeh Koo Ham.
Pengerusi Lajnah Undang-Undang PAS Pusat itu berkata, penyebaran gambar-gambar jari pengundi yang boleh dipadam itu telah menyebabkan rakyat meragui ketelusan sistem yang diguna pakai pada pilihanraya ini.
"Jika perkara ini benar-benar berlaku, tidak mustahil akan ada pengundian dua kali akan dilakukan. Ini telah bermain dalam fikiran masyarakat ketika ini," jelas beliau lagi.
Pada hari ini, pengundian awal berlangsung bagi anggota polis dan tentera dan saya telah menerima aduan berkaitan 2 isu:
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 03:00 AM PDT
Barisan Nasional spends big to keep key seats
Updated 30 April 2013, 14:28 AEST
Two of the battleground states in the upcoming Malaysian elections are in the east, on the island of Borneo.
Barisan Nasional spends big to keep key seats (Credit: ABC)
Sarawak and Sabah were given more national seats than other
states as a way
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 02:38 AM PDT
MM News Hub ေခြးတူဝက္တူ ဒီမိုကေရစီ၊ ဝစီပိတ္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ႏိုင္ငံေရးနဲ႔ အေသေမြးခဲ့တဲ့ ဗမာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီ
လက္ပံေတာင္းေတာင္ေဒသက တရားမဲ့မႈ အသံေတြ ထပ္ၾကားလာရတယ္။ ဒီရက္ပိုင္း တျပည္လံုးတင္သာမက တကမၻာလံုးမွာပါ လုပ္သမွ် တင့္တယ္ေနတဲ့ ဗိုလ္သိန္းစိန္အစိုးရ သတင္းေတြကလည္း နားမဆံ့ ျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံအဝွမ္းက လယ္သမား၊အလုပ္သမား၊ အေျခခံလူတန္းစားအေရး၊ ေျမယာတိုက္ပြဲနဲ႔ တိုင္းရင္းသားျပႆနာကေတာ့ ဒံုရင္း ဒံုရင္း ဆိုတာထက္ ပိုမလာတဲ့အျပင္ တေန႔တျခား အဖိႏွိပ္ခံရသူေတြဟာ အေဖေခၚစရာမရွိ၊ အေမေပ်ာက္ဘဝနဲ႔ "အမိမဲ့သား ေရနည္းငါးပမာ" အားကိုးရာမဲ့လာၿပီး အေျခအေနဟာ အဆိုးဘက္ကိုသာ ဦးတည္သြားေနဆိုတာကိုလည္း ျမင္ေနရတယ္။
ျပည္တြင္းမွာ "ၾကက္တူေရြးက ေတာ္ေတာ္ မယ္ေဘာ္က ကဲကဲ" နဲ႔ "သူခိုးဓားရိုးကမ္း" သလို လုပ္ေနေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ ကပါ "အဆိပ္ပင္ေရေလာင္း" လုပ္ေနတာ အျပစ္မဆိုသာဘူး။ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏွစ္ ၂၀ ေက်ာ္ တ႐ုတ္၊ အိႏၵိယ၊အာဆီယံတို႔ရဲ႕ တိတ္တဆိတ္ က်ိတ္ၾကံက်ိတ္လုပ္ အပ်ိဳရည္ဖ်က္ျခင္းနဲ႔ ႏွစ္ပါင္း ၅၀ ေက်ာ္ စစ္အုပ္စုရဲ႕ အဓမၼ မုဒိမ္းက်င့္ျခင္း ခံခဲ့ရေပမယ့္ အပ်ိဳေသြး အမ်ားႀကီး က်န္ေသးတဲ့ ဗမာျပည္ဆိုတဲ့ မိန္းမပ်ိဳဟာ ဒီမိုကေရစီအတု သနပ္ခါးလိမ္း၊ ေပါင္ဒါဖို႔၊ ပန္းပန္လိုက္ေတာ့ အေနာက္အုပ္စုကပါ အခု ပေရာပရည္ျပဳခ်င္၊ သြားရည္တမ်ားမ်ားက် အာသာငမ္းငမ္းထၿပီး အမဲဖ်က္ဖို႔ အားလံုး အဆင္သင့္ျဖစ္ေနၿပီ။
အခု ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊရဲ႕ ကစားကြက္ (ဝါ) မ်က္လွည့္ပြဲ (ဝါ) လူတိုင္း သိေပမယ့္ လူတိုင္းနီးပါး အတိတ္ေမ့သလိုလို၊ ေရႊေကာက္ရသလိုလိုနဲ႔ ႐ူးခ်င္ေယာင္ေဆာင္ သာယာကာ "နတ္ကရာ က်ီးေမာ့" ျဖစ္ေစတဲ့ "ဒီမိုကေရစီေမ်ာက္ပြဲ" အတြက္ ဗိုလ္သိန္းစိန္နဲ႔ ၾကံ႕ဖြတ္အစိုးရက စည္းကမ္းျပည့္ဝ စစ္မွန္လွတဲ့ ကလိန္ျခံဳ "ဗမာ့နည္း၊ ဗမာ့နည္းဟန္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ" ကို အသံုးခ်ၿပီး စစ္အုပ္စုစီးပြားနဲ႔ အာဏာကို ဆြဲဆန္႔လိုက္ေတာ့ အစကတည္းက စီးပြားေရးနဲ႔ ေဒသတြင္း ပထဝီႏိုင္ငံေရး အလို႕ငွာ ပါခ်င္ခ်င္ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ အေနာက္အုပ္စုဟာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေရႊရည္စိမ္ ဟုတ္/မဟုတ္ မွတ္ေက်ာက္တင္ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ဖို႔ စိတ္မဝင္စား၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးစံႏႈန္းလည္း ဂ႐ုမစိုက္ေတာ့ဘဲ အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္ ေကာင္းေကာင္း၊ စကားလွလွေတြ သံုးၿပီး "ေၾကာင္ခံတြင္းပ်က္နဲ႔ ဆက္ရက္ေတာင္ပံက်ိဳး" ေတြ႔သလို၊ "ဖိနပ္ျပတ္နဲ႔ ေခြးငတ္" ေတြ႔သလို သူတို႔အက်ိဳးစီးပြားနဲ႔ လိုဘျပည့္ဖို႔ရာအတြက္ပဲ စဥ္းစားေဖာ္ေဆာင္လာေတာ့တာ အထူးအဆန္း မဟုတ္ဘူး။
ဒါေပမယ့္ စစ္ပြဲအတြင္းနဲ႔ လူမႈဒုကၡဆင္းရဲတြင္းက တကယ့္ပကတိ တိုင္းရင္းသားျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ ဘဝကေတာ့ "ေရႊျပည္ေတာ္ ေမွ်ာ္တိုင္းေဝး" ေနဆဲပဲျဖစ္တယ္။ အရင္တုန္းကမွ စစ္အစိုးရျဖစ္လို႔ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ျဖစ္လို႔ဆိုၿပီး ေျဖေတြးလို႔ ရေပမယ့္ အခုဟာက "ေနာင္လာတဲ့ ေမာင္ပုလဲ ဒိုင္းဝန္ထက္ကဲ" ဆိုသလို ျပည္သူ႔အစိုးရ အမည္ခံၿပီး စစ္အုပ္စုနဲ႔ အေပါင္းအပါ စီးပြားဘီလူးႀကီးေတြဟာ ကိုယ္က်ိဳးအတြက္ ျပည္သူကို ပိုဖိႏွိပ္ရမ္းကား၊ လုပ္ခ်င္တိုင္း လုပ္ခြင့္ရေနတာဟာ ပိုဆိုးတဲ့ အေနအထား၊ ပိုခံျပင္းစရာ ေကာင္းၿပီး လက္သင့္မခံႏိုင္တဲ့ အေျခအေနျဖစ္တယ္။"ဒီမိုကေရစီအစိုးရ" လို႔ ပါးစပ္သနခံ ေခၚရ၊ "ခံလည္း ခံရ" ဆိုေတာ့ "နာလည္း နာေသး၊ နံလည္း နံေသး" ဆိုတဲ့ အေျခအေနမ်ိဳး၊ မႏွစ္ၿမိဳ႕ဖြယ္၊ မသတီစရာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ မီးယပ္စြဲေနတဲ့ ကလိယုဂ္ ေခတ္ဆိုးႀကီးျဖစ္တယ္။
ခု ျဖစ္ေပၚေနတဲ့ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲ တိုးတက္မႈအားလံုးကို ၾကည့္ၾကည့္ပါ။ စစ္အုပ္စုရယ္၊ သူတို႔နဲ႔ ပုလင္းတူ ဗူးဆို႔ေတြရဲ႕ အက်ိဳးစီးပြားကို မထိခိုက္တဲ့အရာေတြခ်ည္းပါ။ သူတို႔ကို မထိခိုက္တဲ့အျပင္ ဒီလို အေပၚယံဟန္ျပ ေစ်းေခၚေကာင္းေအာင္ လုပ္ျပေနတဲ့ အလုပ္ေတြေၾကာင့္ သူတို႔အက်ိဳးစီးပြားေတြ ပိုျဖစ္ထြန္း၊ သူတို႔ကို အရင္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာမွာ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ခံထားရမႈေတြေတာင္ ေျဖေလ်ာ့လာေစတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္လည္း မျဖစ္မေနလုပ္ျပေနတဲ့ အစစ္အမွန္မဟုတ္၊ ေစတနာအရင္းမခံတဲ့ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေတြပါ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ သူတို႔စီးပြားနဲ႔ အာဏာကို တိုက္႐ိုက္ထိခိုက္ေစတဲ့ ကိစၥမ်ိဳးေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ ျပည္သူ႔အက်ိဳးစီးပြားနဲ႔ စစ္အုပ္စုအက်ိဳးစီးပြား တိုက္႐ိုက္ယွဥ္လာရင္၊ ျပည္သူ႔အာဏာနဲ႔ စစ္အုပ္စုအာဏာ ထိပ္တိုက္ေတြ႔လာရင္ ဘာမွ မျပဳျပင္မေျပာင္းလဲဘဲ အက်င့္ေဟာင္းအတုိင္း ဘီလူးအစြယ္ကုိ အစြမ္းကုန္ထုတ္ျပ၊ ရက္စက္ ဖိႏွိပ္ လုပ္ျပတာခ်ည္းပဲ မဟုတ္လား။
ဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစုကိုယ္တိုင္ကလည္း "ေနာက္ျပန္လွည့္အေၾကာက္တရား"ေဆးမိၿပီး လွ်ာေလး၊ အာေလး ျဖစ္၊ မတရားမႈေတြကို အသံက်ယ္က်ယ္ မထြက္ႏိုင္၊ အလိုတူ အလိုပါ သေဘာ ျဖစ္ကုန္ေတာ့တယ္။ ဆိုေတာ့ စစ္အုပ္စုဟာ ေရွ႕မွာလည္း ပိုလို႔ လက္ရဲဇက္ရဲ ႏိုင္လာဖို႔ပဲ ရွိေတာ့တယ္။
ျမန္မာစကားပံု ရွိတယ္။ "ေတာဆူမွ ၿမိဳ႕ဝ" တဲ့ ..။ ေတာသား ဆူၿဖိဳးမွ ၿမိဳ႕သားလည္း သာယာဝေျပာမွာ ..။ ဒါမွ တိုင္းျပည္လည္း တိုးတက္ခ်မ္းသာမွာ ..။ ဗမာျပည္မွာ လူအမ်ားစုျဖစ္တဲ့ ေတာေနလူတန္းစား ေတာင္သူလယ္သမားနဲ႔ အေျခခံလူတန္းစား အလုပ္သမား၊ လက္လုပ္လက္စားအေရး အေလးမေပးသမွ်၊ သူတို႕ ဆူၿဖိဳးေရး မေရွးရႈသမွ်၊ လူမႈတရားမွ်တမႈ မေဖာ္ေဆာင္ႏိုင္သမွ်၊ သူတို႔မ်က္ရည္ႀကီး၊ မ်က္ရည္ငယ္္က်ေအာင္ လုပ္ေနသမွ်၊ သူတို႔ ထမင္းအိုးကို ခြဲေနသမွ်၊ သူတို႔ဗိုက္ေတြ ေဟာင္းေလာင္း ျဖစ္ေနသမွ်၊ သူတို႔ေက်ာေတြမြဲၿပီး ေျပာင္ေနသမွ် ဒီမိုကေရစီေလသံ ဘယ္ေလာက္ ပစ္ပစ္၊ ႏိုင္ငံျခားရင္းႏွီးျမႇဳပ္ႏွံမႈ ဘယ္ေလာက္ဝင္ဝင္ တိုင္းျပည္မွာ ဒီမိုကေရစီသုခခ်မ္းသာရ၊ ေလာကနိဗၺာန္တည္ ဆိုတဲ့ အေျခအေနမ်ိဳး ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ ေရာက္လာမွာမဟုတ္ပါ။ ဆင္းရဲခ်မ္းသာ ကြာျခားခ်က္ေတြ ျမင့္သထက္ ျမင့္၊ လူမႈမတည္ၿငိမ္မႈေတြ မ်ားသထက္မ်ား၊ လူ႔အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမွာ မတရားမႈေတြ ဒင္းၾကမ္းျဖစ္သထက္ျဖစ္ၿပီး တိုင္းျပည္ဟာ "ဓားမေနာက္ပိတ္ေခြး" ဘဝက ဘယ္လိုမွ လြတ္လာမွာ မဟုတ္ပါ။
ခုေတာ့ .. ျဖစ္ေနတာက .. ဗမာ့သမိုင္းဝင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီအေျပာင္းအလဲႀကီးမွာ လူထုဟာ …
ဖေယာင္းတိုင္ထြန္း ေနတတ္ရမယ္။ ထမင္းတနပ္ ေလွ်ာ့စားႏိုင္ရမယ္။ စိတ္ရွည္၊ သည္းခံ ခႏၱီပါရမီ က်င့္ၾကံရမယ္။ သူမ်ားဆီမွာ အလကားနီးပါးရေနတဲ့ လူထုဆက္သြယ္ေရးစနစ္၊ နစၥိဓူဝ အေျခခံလိုအပ္မႈကို အရင္တုန္းက ေအးဓားျပတိုက္သလို ပိုက္ဆံေတြ မတန္တဆ နင္းခြ ေတာင္းခဲ့ၿပီ အခုမွ ေရေျမ႕အရွင္ မိုဘိုင္းသခင္အေနနဲ႔ နာမည္ေကာင္း ယူ ေစ်းေလွ်ာ့ေပးတာကိုလည္း ေက်းဇူးသိႏိုင္ရေလာက္ေအာင္ ႏံုအ,တတ္ရမယ္။ ျပည္သူလူထုရဲ႕ အေျခခံနဲ႔ မူလအခြင့္အေရးအားလံုးကို အလံုးစံု ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားခဲ့ၿပီး အခု မသဒါၶေရစာ မယားငယ္ ေပးေပး ျပန္ေပးကာ ျပည္သူ႕အခြင့္အေရးကို ႏိုင္ငံေရးလက္နက္အျဖစ္ အသံုးခ်ေနတာကို ၾကည္ျဖဴနားလည္ေပး႐ံုမက ရွိခိုးဦးတင္ ေက်းဇူးတင္တတ္ရမယ္။
ဒါကို ေက်ာမြဲလူထု နင္းျပားေတြမွာ မခံႏိုင္လို႔ အာခံျပန္ရင္လည္း …
"ေရႊေရးပန္းကန္တက္" တယ္ ဆိုၿပီး လူ႔ေပါက္ပန္း အာဏာရွင္ေနာက္ၿမီးဆြဲေတြရဲ႕ အၿငိဳအျငင္ခံရမယ္။ အာဏာရွင္ရဲ႕ မီးေလာင္ဗံုးဒဏ္ ခံႏိုင္ရမယ္။ လက္ကိုင္တုတ္ေတြရဲ႕ နံပါတ္တုတ္ဒဏ္ ခံႏိုင္ရမယ္။ ေသနတ္က်ည္ဆံလည္း "ပီး" ရမယ္။ ဒါဟာ ဗမာျပည္က က်ားသနားမွ ႏြားခ်မ္းသာမယ့္ "ေခြးတူ ဝက္တူဒီမိုကေရစီ" ရဲ႕ အက်င့္၊ အၾကံနဲ႔ ဝိေသသလကၡဏာေတြ ျဖစ္တယ္။
"သမေဏနမေဏာ၊ ေဂါေဏနေဂါေဏာ" ဆိုသလို ဒီမိုကေရစီနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားဆိုသူမ်ားကလည္း …
ေဘာင္းဘီဝတ္မ်ားနဲ႔ ေဘာင္းဘီခၽြတ္မ်ား ႀကီးစိုးရာ လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ "မတိုက္မခံ" လုပ္တတ္ရမယ္။ မတိုက္လည္း မတိုက္၊ တာဝန္လည္း မခံတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးဓေလ့ဟာ နာမည္သာ ဆိုးတာ အေန အစားေတာ့ တကယ္ေခ်ာင္တယ္။ "အားလံုးေကာင္းပါသည္" လည္း မၾကာမၾကာ ေအာ္တတ္ရမယ္။ "လက္ညႇိဳးေထာင္ ေခါင္းညိတ္" အခ်ိန္ကိုက္ လုပ္တတ္ရမယ္။ ျမင္းက မလႈပ္ ခံုက လႈပ္၊ ယုန္က မတိုး ပိုက္က တိုးနဲ႔ "စိတ္ေတာ္သိ၊ ေဗာင္းေတာ္ညိတ္" လည္း တတ္ရမယ္။ ေရလိုက္ငါးလိုက္နဲ႔ "အၿမီးစားဖက္ ေခါင္းစားဖက္" လုပ္တတ္ရမယ္။ ဒါဟာ .."ျပည္ထဲအေရး ေပါက္နဲ႔ေက်း"၊ "ၾကက္ဥအေရာင္ တိမ္ေတာင္သဖြယ္ မင္းေရးက်ယ္" တယ္ဆိုၿပီး ႏိုင္ငံအေရး၊ ျပည္သူ႕အေရးကို ဆင္စြယ္နန္းေပၚတင္၊ သုခမိန္စကားလံုးေတြ သံုး၊ လူထုနဲ႔ ကင္းကြာေအာင္ လုပ္၊ လူထုလႈပ္ရွားမႈကို သင္းကြပ္၊ စကားအရာမွာေတာ့ ႀကီးႀကီးက်ယ္က်ယ္ ေျပာ၊ ေလဖမ္းဝါးလံုးတန္းခ်ည္လူထုကို ဝါဝါ ခ်ရင္း အစစ္အမွန္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး "ဝါဒ" နဲ႔ ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္ေတာ့ လက္ဆုပ္လက္ကိုင္ မျပႏိုင္ဘဲ စကားအရာသာ ဝါဝါၿပီး ခ်တတ္တဲ့ "ဝါတတ္" အေခ်ာင္သမား၊ ေလာက္ေကာင္၊ ဆိတ္ခေလာက္၊ မႏုသီဟ ဖင္ႏွစ္ခြေတြသာ ႀကီးစိုးတဲ့ "ဝစီပိတ္" စစ္လႊတ္ေတာ္ႏိုင္ငံေရးရဲ႕ "ေတမိ ဒီမိုကေရစီ" အက်င့္၊ အၾကံေတြ ျဖစ္တယ္။
အခုလိုဆိုေတာ့ .. နင္ပဲငဆ နင့္နင့္သီးသီးနဲ႔ ေဘးထိုင္ဘုေျပာတယ္လို႔ ဆိုခ်င္ၾကမယ္။ မဟုတ္ဘူး ..။ ဗမာျပည္ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးကို အတိုင္းအတာတခုအထိ ႀကိဳဆိုအသိအမွတ္ျပဳေၾကာင္းနဲ႔ အတိုက္အခံႏိုင္ငံေရးလမ္းေၾကာင္းကို အျပဳသေဘာေဆာင္တဲ့ ေဆာင္းပါး အေျမာက္အျမား ေရးခဲ့ဖူးတယ္။ ေနာင္လည္း အလ်င္းသင့္သလို အျပဳသေဘာေဆာင္ ေရးဖို႔ အမ်ားႀကီး ရွိတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ စစ္အုပ္စုနဲ႔ ခ႐ိုနီ အက်ိဳးသက္သက္ စစ္ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံု နဖားႀကိဳးထိုးခံထားရတဲ့ စစ္လႊတ္ေတာ္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး တခုတည္း အလုပ္မျဖစ္ဘူး။ ေရွ႕မေရာက္ဘူး။ လမ္းမေပါက္ဘူး။ မတရားမႈေတြ၊ ဖိႏွိပ္မႈေတြအတြက္ မာမာထန္ထန္ အသံက်ယ္က်ယ္ထြက္ ဆန္႔က်င္ဖို႔ ပိုအခြင့္သာ၊ လူးသာ၊ လြန္႔သာ၊ လႈပ္သာတဲ့ လႊတ္ေတာ္ျပင္ပႏိုင္ငံေရး၊ လူထုႏိုင္ငံေရးက အခုထက္ ပိုက်ယ္က်ယ္ျပန္႔ျပန္႔ ရွိရမယ္၊ ရွိသင့္တယ္ ဆိုတာလည္း ျမင္သေလာက္ ေထာက္ျပေျပာဆိုမွ ႏိုင္ငံသားတေယာက္၊ ျပည္သူတေယာက္အေနနဲ႔ က်င့္ဝတ္ တာဝန္ (Moral Obligation) ေက်မယ္။
လယ္ကြင္းထဲ၊ ယာကြက္ထဲ၊ စက္႐ံုထဲနဲ႔ ေတာထဲ၊ ေတာင္ထဲက ဘဝေတြဟာ စိတ္ကူးယဥ္ၿပီး တည္ေဆာက္လို႔ မရဘူး။ စိတ္ကူးသက္သက္နဲ႔ တည္ေဆာက္လို႔ မရဘူး။ သူတို႕အတြက္ လက္ေတြ႔အလုပ္နဲ႔ အခြင့္အေရး ရဖို႔ လိုတယ္။ လိုအင္ဆႏၵနဲ႔ အေၾကာက္တရားက လြတ္ေျမာက္ (Freedom from Want & Fear)၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီအိမ္မက္ မက္ဖို႔ ဆိုတာဟာ လက္ေတြ႔ သဘာထားမွန္တဲ့ အလုပ္ေတြ၊ အျပဳအမူေတြပါဖို႔ လုိတယ္။ ျပည္တြင္းၿၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးနဲ႔ တိုင္းရင္းသားအေရး တည္ေဆာက္တာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ လယ္သမား၊ အလုပ္သမားအေရး ကိုင္တြယ္တာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္မွာ စကားခ်ည္းသက္သက္၊ လက္ခ်ည္းသက္သက္နဲ႔ ကိုယ္အသာရဖို႔၊ "ငို႔ဘ" အက်င့္ကစားသမားစိတ္ဓာတ္ (Gamesmanship) ႏိုင္ငံေရးကစားကြက္ဆင္၊ အေလွ်ာ့အတင္းလုပ္၊ လွည့္ကြက္ေထာင္ေျခာက္ဆင္ ကစားေနတာေတြ ရပ္ၿပီး တကယ့္အစစ္အမွန္ အရင္းခံ စိတ္ေစတနာနဲ႔ သူတို႔ေတြ တကယ္ပဲ ဒုကၡ၊ သုကၡ ႀကီးစြာ ခံစားေနရပါ့လား ဆိုတာ စာနာနားလည္ ဆင္ျခင္ႏိုင္ဖို႔ လိုၿပီး လက္ေတြ႔ သူတို႔အတြက္ အလုပ္ေတြ၊ အခြင့္အေရးေတြ လုပ္ဖို႕႔၊ ေပးဖို႔ လိုတယ္။ ခုေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံတကာနဲ႔ ျပည္တြင္းက ေရႊျပည္ေအးသမားမ်ားရဲ႕ အထင္နဲ႔အျမင္ဟာ နင္းျပားမ်ား လက္ေတြ႔ခံစားေနရတဲ့ ပကတိ အေျခအေနနဲ႔ ပါစင္ေအာင္ လြဲေနတယ္။
တန္ခိုးရွင္ မဟုတ္မွန္း သိတယ္။ ေန႔ခ်င္း၊ ညခ်င္း ဘယ္အရာမွ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဘူးဆိုတာလည္း နားလည္တယ္။ လက္ေဖ်ာက္တခ်က္ တီးလိုက္႐ံုနဲ႔ တမဟုတ္ခ်င္း အရာရာ မၿပီးျပည့္စံုႏိုင္ဘူးဆိုတာလည္း တြက္မိတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အရာရာကို အေကာင္းျမင္၊ အခ်ိန္ေတြ ေစာင့္စား၊ စိတ္ရွည္၊ သည္းခံဖို႔ဟာ လူတိုင္းအတြက္ အဆင္မေျပဘူး။ အထူးသျဖင့္ စစ္ပြဲနဲ႔ ဆင္းရဲဒုကၡၾကားက အနာဂတ္မဲ့ေနတဲ့ ဘဝေတြအတြက္ အဆင္မေျပဘူး။ အင္းလ်ားကန္ေစာင္း အေအးခန္းထဲက လူတန္းစားအတြက္ အဆင္ေျပခ်င္ ေျပမယ္။ ကြန္ပ်ဴတာ ကီးဘုတ္ကို ခလုတ္လက္တင္ခု စာေရးေနတဲ့ စာေရးသူအတြက္ အဆင္ေျပခ်င္ ေျပမယ္။ ကြန္ပ်ဴတာဖန္သားျပင္ကို ခု စူးစိုက္ ဖတ္ေနတဲ့ စာဖတ္သူအတြက္ အဆင္ေျပခ်င္ ေျပမယ္။
ဒါေပမယ့္ ေႏြးေထြးတဲ့ အိမ္ဆိုတာ ဘယ္နားေနမွန္း မသိဘဲ အသက္ေဘးအတြက္ ေတာထဲ ေျပးေနရတဲ့သူေတြအတြက္ အဆင္မေျပဘူး။ ကိုယ့္အိမ္ကေန အတင္းအဓမၼ စြန္႔ခြာေနရတဲ့ လယ္မဲ့၊ ယာမဲ့၊ ေျမမဲ့ ဘဝေတြအတြက္ အဆင္မေျပဘူး။ အလုပ္ရွင္ ေသြးစုပ္သမွ် လည္စင္း ခံေပးေနရတဲ့ အလုပ္သမားေတြအတြက္ အဆင္မေျပဘူး။ "အိမ္ဆိုေပမယ့္ အိမ္ရယ္ မမည္ေတာ့တဲ့" ဘဝအိမ္ေတြမွာ ေနေနရသူေတြအတြက္ အဆင္မေျပဘူး။ မလြယ္ဘူး။
ဒီလိုအေနအထားမွာ ဗမာ့ႏိုင္ငံေရးကို "Political Illusion" က ဘယ္လို၊ "Democratisation" ဘယ္ပံု၊ "Liberalisation" က ဘယ္အရာ၊ "Transition toDemocracy" မွာ ဘာေတြ ရွိတယ္ .. စတဲ့ စကာလံုးေတြ၊ သီအိုရီေတြ ခ်ေရး၊ ခ်ေျပာဖို႔ စိတ္မပါဘူး။ လိပ္ျပာမလံုဘူး။
ဗမာျပည္အတြက္ လြတ္လပ္ျခင္းနဲ႔ တန္းတူညီမွ်ျခင္း ဒီမိုကေရစီတရားဟာ မီးတြင္းထဲတင္ နိ႒ိတံတယ္လို႔ေတာင္ မဆိုႏိုင္ဘဲ "အေသေမြးခဲ့တယ္" လို႔ပဲ တိုတို ဆိုရမယ္။
ဒီလို "အေသေမြး ဗမာ့ဒီမိုကရစီ" အတြက္ အေပၚယံ သကာမဖံုးဘဲ ဆိုခဲ့တဲ့ စကားလံုး အၾကမ္းထည္ေတြကပဲ အနည္း၊ အက်ဥ္း ပံုေဖာ္ႏိုင္မယ္ထင္တယ္။ ဒါေတာင္ ပကတိအေျခအေနနဲ႔ အမ်ားႀကီး အလွမ္းကြာေနေသးတယ္။
ေနာက္ဆံုးအေနနဲ႔ေတာ့ "ေခြးတူဝက္တူ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အက်င့္အၾကံ၊ ဝစီပိတ္လႊတ္ေတာ္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးနဲ႔ အေသေမြးခဲ့တဲ့ ဗမာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီ" အတြက္ ဗားေတာ့ဘရက္ရဲ႕ ကဗ်ာေလးတပုဒ္နဲ႔ နိဂံုးခ်ဳပ္ခ်င္တယ္။
တိုင္းျပည္ႀကီးကို ေဂ်ာက္ထဲ ဆြဲေခၚခ်မယ့္ လူေတြက
အားလံုး ဆင္ျခင္၊ ေတြးေခၚ၊ ခံစား၊ နားလည္၊ စာနာႏိုင္ၾကပါေစ …။
မွတ္ခ်က္ ။ ။ ဗားေတာ့ဘရက္ (၁၈၉၈-၁၉၅၆) (ဂ်ာမန္ကဗ်ာဆရာ/ ျပဇာတ္ေရးဆရာ/ ျပဇာတ္ဒါ႐ိုက္တာ) ရဲ႕ ကဗ်ာကို 'တင္ေမာင္ေအး' ဘာသာျပန္ 'အနာဂတ္အတြက္ကဗ်ာ' စာအုပ္ (၁၉၇၀) ကေန ယူတယ္။
Posted: 29 Apr 2013 11:42 PM PDT
For the record, last night's mammoth Pakatan Rakyat ceramah at the Han Chiang High School grounds attracted some 70,000 people, all standing in the rain for five hours. Like Lim Guan Eng said, there was no free food, no free drinks, no free angpows at the ceramah but only free (rain) water for everybody. And yet, people came from far and near to listen and to support.
Sad to say though, I could only be there in spirit. I don't want to give any excuses for my physical absence but I'll willingly share the reason in private with anyone that cares to know. But thanks to Ubah.tv, I managed to catch some of the speeches. I did get to watch Anwar Ibrahim, Gobind Deo, Ong Kok Fooi, Chong Eng, Karpal Singh and Lim Guan Eng speak. The only frustration was that Ubah.tv's transmission terminated before Lim Kit Siang appeared.
I would like to congratulate the courageous folks out there that had braved the weather and the traffic jam, and who had readily donated some RM236,000 towards Pakatan Rakyat's general elections war chest. Such was the traffic congestion that I also heard some people arrived home past one o'clock in the morning.
Posted: 30 Apr 2013 12:07 AM PDT
Another super throwback entry… haha! Ladies and gentlemen, yours truly turned 31 years young a few weeks ago and like what I usually do on my birthdays, I spent some time thinking and reflecting on my life, calculating, analysing, counting my blessings and mishaps, on what went wrong, what I can do better etc etc.
After a looooong refreshing time I spent just sitting by myself and thinking for about… you know… 2.5 minutes… I can now make a conclusion that I am one of those people whose life gets better as they age. Alhamdulillah!
Health – Awesome schmawesome. Up until 31 years still no major sickness. Just zits come and go on my face, I think my skin still thinks I am an adolescent, what to do? I still do not have a weight problem even after big three zero. And most of the time, I am still underweight. How I can do better? I know I need to exercise more and eat more greens. Must laugh more and angry less. Hug my kids more. Plant more flowers. Also,I must take better care of the health of all the people in my family.
Family – I don't know, it is sad that I see many marriages of the people my age being torn apart. Azman and I are happily married for (jap nak kira..lupa) seven years already Alhamdulillah and blessed with two kids Alhamdulillah and I really pray we will stay like this till the end. Insya Allah.
Career and life – When I was in college I went through a phase where I was frustrated with myself. I was an awesome schmawesome student at high school and scored many A's fuyooo! (at that time A's was still hard to get!). But when by luck I ended up with a degree course that I didn't like and not even prestigious/glamorous I felt like I am not living my potential to the fullest. And for someone with my kinda ego that sucks big time. But as time goes by I learned to love myself more and be positive all the time. And now at 31 I am super loving myself, I am very confident with me and silly peer pressure will be reserved for Miki and his friends. There is nobody in this world I would rather be but me… I love what I do at the office and I hope my career can grow further. How I can do better at work? Well I know I should procrastinate less and read more. Gambatte!!
Wealth – Of course when you work for longer years you will earn more than before lah! I see some people my age ( and I guess) earn more than me but they work super long hours and requires them to be apart from their families and sacrifices so much so takpa la naa… thank you very much! Many also earn less than me so syukur lah Alhamdulillah.
Let me share something funny – Actually it is also great to be me as one of those low maintenance girl, I am not trendy, stylo, shopaholic, branded head-to-toe kinda woman. Coz when you are one, people expect you to be rich. And when I see these so called rich people I couldn't help but laugh secretly – having to know what they do, where they work, and roughly how much they earn. My motto?
Bior tak bergaye ase tak pape janji cun juge ko ade? LOL
Here are pictures taken at dinner on the day I turned 31. Cheers!
Ni pulak Tok Man uols… Gedik jugak kan? Haa.. sessuaiii…
Ni lah Opah dengan si Miki yang kalau Opah tak peluk gitu dia takkan posing! Menyampah!
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