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Posted: 09 May 2013 11:18 AM PDT
Saya adalah salah seorang daripada PACA (Polling Agent and Counting Agent) untuk Pakatan Rakyat di salah satu kawasan bandar di Wilayah Persekutuan. PRU13 ini adalah kali kedua saya menjadi PACA. Kali pertama ialah pada 2008 di PRU12. Di kedua-dua pilihanraya ini saya bertindak sebagai polling agent (agen pengundian) dan counting agent (agen pengiraan).
Setelah dua kali menjadi PACA dan mengikuti proses pengundian dan pengiraan undi dari mula sampai akhir, saya berpandangan agak sukar penipuan dibuat ketika proses pengundian di hari mengundi sebenar dijalankan. Oleh kerana itu saya tidak faham apabila terdapat ramai suara-suara yang mengatakan bahawa pilihanraya tipu, undi hantu, undi Bangla dan sebagainya.
Sebelum saya lanjutkan biar saya letakkan kaveat. Pengalaman saya ini hanyalah tertakluk kepada pengalaman peribadi saya di PRU12 dan PRU13 di tempat dan saluran mengundi yang saya ditugaskan menjadi PACA sahaja. Di tempat-tempat lain mungkin berbeza. Di saluran-saluran lain mungkin berbeza. Pengalaman PACA-PACA lain juga mungkin berbeza. Tapi ini pengalaman peribadi saya.
Dari pengalaman peribadi ini saya memutuskan bahawa di saluran yang saya jaga untuk kedua-dua PRU ini, hampir mustahil penipuan dapat dilakukan. Justeru itu, saya jadi kurang yakin dengan tuduhan-tuduhan yang mengatakan bahawa adanya beribu undi hantu, beribu undi Bangla dan banyak penipuan-penipuan lain yang telah berlaku.
Biar saya kongsikan kenapa saya rasakan penipuan hampir tidak mungkin dapat dilakukan ketika proses membuang undi dan mengira undi dilakukan dengan meneliti bagaimana proses pengundian dilakukan di tempat mengundi.
Tulisan ini memang panjang tapi perlu saya huraikan satu persatu supaya orang ramai faham bagaimana proses pengundian di hari mengundi sebenar dilakukan supaya kita dapat menilai sama ada penipuan mungkin berlaku atau tidak.
Daripada proses yang saya lalui ini sebenarnya saya tidak nampak bagaimana penipuan boleh berlaku jika sekiranya kita punya PACA yang baik, mahir dan terlatih. Pada pandangan saya penipuan KETIKA proses pengundian berlangsung di hari mengundi sebenar agak sukar untuk dilakukan kerana sistemnya sangat ketat dan pengiraan undi di setiap saluran pula dilakukan dengan sangat telus.
Pada hari mengundi di PRU13 yang lepas saya banyak menerima mesej-mesej yang cukup meresahkan saya. Antara mesej-mesej yang saya terima itu adalah tentang berbas-bas undi hantu sedang diangkut untuk di hantar ke tempat-tempat mengundi, beribu Bangla akan turun mengundi di merata tempat, black-out di beberapa tempat ketika kiraan undi dibuat, peti-peti undi hilang, PACA ditahan oleh KTM, PACA dikepung oleh gangster, peti undi dirampas dan pelbagai mesej-mesej yang memerihalkan betapa gila dan teruknya penipuan-penipuan yang sedang berlangsung di hari mengundi itu.
Tapi sampai sekarang saya tidak pasti sama ada kesemua berita-berita itu memang benar-benar berlaku atau paranoia melampau mob mentality atau pun ianya adalah suatu bentuk psywar dari pihak-pihak yang cuba untuk menyah-absahkan atau delegitimise PRU13 kali ini.
Apa pun ini bukanlah bermakna tiada penipuan di dalam PRU di Malaysia ini. Kemungkinan besar penipuan yang berlaku itu telah dibuat SEBELUM hari mengundi sebenar dan SELEPAS proses kiraan undi di setiap saluran dilakukan.
Penipuan SEBELUM hari mengundi ini mungkin di dalam bentuk daftar pemilih yang diragui kebenarannya, undi awal dan undi pos. Manakala penipuan SELEPAS proses kiraan undi di setiap saluran ialah apabila masuknya peti-peti undi yang belum dikira dari mereka yang mengundi awal dan yang mengundi secara pos ke tempat penjumlahan undi.
Sebenarnya pada pandangan saya peti-peti undi daripada saluran-saluran mengundi pada hari mengundi sebenar tidaklah begitu penting sangat kerana kiraan sudah pun dibuat dan setiap PACA mempunyai borang 14 yang telah mengesahkan jumlah undi yang diterima oleh setiap calon.
Borang 14 ini telah disahkan oleh KTM sendiri selaku wakil SPR. Jadi tidak akan mungkin berlaku sebarang penambahan undi pada peti-peti tersebut. Kalau peti-peti undi ini hilang sekali pun, kita masih ada borang 14 sebagai bukti yang sah.
Yang menjadi masalah ialah peti-peti undi yang di dalamnya terdapat undi-undi awal dan undi-undi pos. Proses pengundian awal dan pos memang dipantau oleh polling agent. Tetapi ianya hanya setakat dipantau sahaja proses pengundiannya tetapi tidak dikira di situ juga seperti mana kiraan di hari mengundi sebenar. Kertas-kertas undi awal dan pos ini kemudiannya disimpan dan dibawa keluar untuk dikira hanya pada hari mengundi sebenar.
Peti-peti undi inilah yang saya rasa menjadi kemusykilan kerana kita tidak tahu bagaimana proses penyimpanannya, siapa yang menjaganya dan bagaimana ia di bawa ke tempat penjumlahan undi untuk dikira. Undi-undi awal dan undi-undi pos ini hanya dibuka dan dikira di pusat penjumlahan undi. Jumlah undi yang diterima itu kemudiannya dicampur dengan undi-undi yang diperolehi daripada borang-borang 14 itu.
Untuk saya salah satu cara untuk menyelesaikan keraguan terhadap undi awal ini ialah dengan memastikan kiraan undi dibuat pada masa itu dan di situ juga. Manakala untuk undi pos pula saya belum dapat memikirkan bagaimana mekanisme untuk memastikan ianya telus.
Walau apa pun, antara perkara yang terpenting yang wajib diselesaikan sebelum PRU14 tiba adalah pembersihan daftar pemilih. Kalau daftar pemilihnya kotor maka pilihanrayanya juga adalah kotor. Kalau kita masih percaya pada sistem pilihanraya maka pembersihan daftar pemilih adalah antara agenda yang paling utama selain daripada akses media yang bebas, adil dan saksama dan persempadanan semula kawasan dengan ratio penduduk yang lebih munasabah.
Kalau kita sudah tidak percaya lagi pada pilihanraya yang berlangsung di Malaysia ini memandangkan ianya dipenuhi oleh ribuan undi hantu, ribuan undi Bangla, ratusan peti-peti undi hilang, black-out di merata-rata tempat, KTM-KTM yang menindas PACA, ramai pengundi yang mengundi dua kali dan bermacam-macam penipuan lain lagi, maka kita masih ada pilihan lain untuk menumbangkan kerajaan yang kita tuduh tersangatlah jahat, kejam dan zalim ini – turun jalanraya dan bikin perubahan cara Mesir, cara Tunisia!
Ada berani? Ada sanggup?
Posted: 09 May 2013 11:07 AM PDT
Berikut ialah senarai Ahli Parlimen PAS bagi Sessi 2013-2018. Terdapat seramai 21 orang kesemuanya yang akan menggalas perjuangan Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) di parlimen, berganding sama dengan rakan-rakan seperjuangan PKR dan DAP di dalam Pakatan Rakyat.
Kepada semua YB-YB di atas, selamat menjalankan tugas dengan sebaik mungkin untuk menggalas amanah yang diberikan oleh para ahli dan rakyat demi perjuangan menegakkan kebenaran dan keadilan. jangan sesekali dihampakan atau dikhianati amanah tersebut.
Siru 'ala barakatillah!
p/s InsyaAllah esok akan disiarkan pula ahli-ahli parlimen PKR & DAP.
Posted: 09 May 2013 07:13 AM PDT
သတင္း – ႏုိင္ဦး
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံလံုးဆိုင္ရာ အစၥလာမ္ ဘာသာေရး အဖြဲ႕ၾကီး မွ ထုတ္ျပန္ေသာ သေဘာထားေၾကျငာခ်က္ ၃/ ၂၀၁၃ ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး အဖြဲ႕ၾကီး ကိုယ္စား အစၥလာမ္သာသနာေရးရာေကာင္စီ ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႈးခ်ဳပ္ဦးတင္ေမာင္သန္းမွ ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္မ္ မီဒီယာကို ယခုကဲ့သို႔ ရွင္းလင္းေျပာၾကားခဲ့ပါသည္
ဒီေၾက ျငာခ်က္ က ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အဖြဲ႕ၾကီးအေနနဲ႔ ဘယ္သူ႕တုိက္တြန္းခ်က္ေၾကာင့္မွ ထုတ္တာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး၊ ျပည္တြင္းျပည္ပ မွာ ျဖစ္ေပၚေနတဲ့ အခ်ိန္အခါ နဲ႔ အေျခအေန အရ ထုတ္ျပန္လိုက္တာပါ။
တကယ္ေတာ့ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရ စတက္တဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွ စျပီး ၁ ႏွစ္ေလာက္မွာ ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္းျမိဳ႕နယ္၊ ကံမ ၊ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ ဆိုင္းေတာင္၊ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္အေရးအခင္း၊ ကရင္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္း ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ မြတ္စလင္မ္ အခ်ိဳ႕အားတုိက္ခုိက္မႈ၊ မိတၳီလာအၾကမ္းဖက္မႈမ်ား ပဲခူးတိုင္းအေနာက္ပိုင္း ႏွင့္ ယခုေနာက္ဆံုး ရန္ကုန္တိုင္း ဥကၠံျမိဳ႕ အပါအ၀င္ ရန္ကုန္တုိင္းအတြင္းရွိျမိဳ႕မ်ား မြတ္စလင္မ္ မ်ားအေပၚ အၾကမ္းဖက္တုိက္ခုိက္ ဖ်က္စီး မေတာ္မရား လုပ္တာေတြ ဆက္တုိက္ျဖစ္ခဲ့တယ္။
ဒါနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ျပီးေတာ့ စျဖစ္ကတည္းက ကေန႔ အခ်ိန္အထိ သက္ဆုိင္ရာကေနျပီး အေရးယူ ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈေတြဟာ ယခုအခ်ိန္အထိ အားရေၾကနပ္ဖြယ္ မေတြ႕ရပါဘူး၊
ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ အဖြဲ႕ၾကီး အေနနဲ႔လည္း အဲဒီ သက္ဆုိင္ရာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြရဲ႕ ေဆာင္ရြက္တာေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ျပီး အားရဖြယ္ မရွိတဲ့အေၾကာင္း ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကို အၾကိမ္ၾကိမ္ စာတင္ျပီး ေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ဒီလုိ အေၾကာင္းၾကားခဲ့ေပမဲ့ လည္း လက္ေတြ႕မွာ အၾကမ္းဖက္သမားေတြ၊ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြကို ေခါင္းေဆာင္တဲ့သူေတြ၊ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြ ျဖစ္ေအာင္ လႈံေဆာ္ ေဟာေျပာေနတဲ့ သူေတြ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြကို
ဒါေၾကာင့္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔အေနနဲ႔ အဲဒီလို ထိထိေရာက္ေရာက္ ေဖၚထုတ္မႈ မရွိတာေတြ အေရးယူ အျပစ္ေပး မႈမရွိတာေတြနဲ႕ပတ္သက္ျပီး ထိထိေရာက္ေရာက္ စံနမႈနာ ျဖစ္ေအာင္ အေရးယူေပးဖို႔ အေရးယူတဲ့အခါမွာလည္း မွ်တမႈရွိဖို႔၊ ေနာက္ျပီး ဒီလုိ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြ ဆက္တုိက္ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ အတြက္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ အတြင္းမွာ ေနတဲ့သူေတြ အားလံုး စိုးရိမ္ပူပမ္မႈေတြ ၾကီးထြား လာေနတဲ့အတြက္ ေနာက္ အလားတူ အဲဒီလုိ အျဖစ္အပ်က္ေတြ မျဖစ္ဖို႔ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္က အကာအကြယ္ ေပးဖုိ႔ နဲ႕ ပ်က္စီးဆံုးရႈံး နစ္နာ ခဲ့သူေတြကို ေက်ာသားရင္သားမခြဲျခားပဲ ျပန္လည္ထူေထာင္ေရး ကယ္ဆယ္ေရး လုပ္ငန္းမ်ား ထိထိေရာက္ေရာက္ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးဖုိ႔တို႔ အျပင္
ေနာက္ျပီးေတာ့ အခုလို အၾကမ္းဖက္တုိက္ခိုက္ခံရမႈေတြျဖစ္တုိင္း ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ မြတ္စလင္မ္ေတြကို ကူညီေပးခဲ့တဲ့ တျခားဘာသာ၀င္မ်ား ကိုေက်းဇူးတင္ေၾကာင္းေျပာခ်င္တာရယ္ ၊
ေနာက္ဆံုး အေနနဲက ေျပာခ်င္တာက ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ အစၥလာမ္ အဖြဲ႕ၾကီးအေနနဲ႕ မြတ္စလင္မ္ထု တစ္ရပ္လံုး လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ျဖင့္ ျပည့္၀ေသာႏုိင္ငံသားမ်ားအျဖစ္ အျမဲတမ္း ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ ရပ္တည္ႏုိင္သည့္ အထိ
Posted: 09 May 2013 07:08 AM PDT
စာနယ္ဇင္း က်င့္ဝတ္ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္သည့္ ေရႊနိင္ငံသစ္ ေန႔စဥ္ သတင္းစာကို အေရးယူေပးရန္ ေတာင္းဆို
ရန္ကုန္ မတ္ ၈ ပာိန္းေအာင္
ျမန္မာနိင္ငံ႐ွိ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားအား ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ရွိရွိျဖင့္ ေစာ္ကားေသာ စကားလံုး အသံုးႏႈန္းေရးသားျခင္း၊ အျပင္ယခုတေလာျဖစ္ေပၚေနေသာ ပဋိပကၡမ်ားအား ပိုမိုႀကီးထြားလာေစရန္ လံႈ႕ေဆာ္ေသာ ေရးသာခ်က္မ်ား သံုးႏႈန္းမႈမ်ားျဖင့္္ ေ႐ြနိင္ငံသစ္ သတင္းစာအား အေရးယူေပးပါရန္ အစၥလာမ္ ဘာသာ၀င္ ဦးကံညြန္႔ က ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ စာနယ္ဇင္းေကာင္စီ(ယာယီ) ထံသို႔ ဧၿပီလ ၃၀ ရက္ေန႔ ေန႔စြဲျဖင့္ တိုင္ၾကားစာေပးပို႔ထားေၾကာင္းသိရသည္။
(၂၇-၄-၂၀၁၃) ေန႕ထုတ္ ေရႊႏိုင္ငံသစ္ေန႕စဥ္ သတင္းစာမ်က္ႏွာဖံုးတြင္ ရဲကေခၚယူစစ္ေဆးေနေသာ အရက္မူးသူကို လူတစ္စုက ၀င္ရိုက္သူမ်ားမွာ အစၥလာမ္ ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားျဖစ္ေနျပန္ ဆိုသည့္ ေခါင္းစဥ္ျဖင့္ ေဖၚျပသည့္ သတင္းေရးသားမႈသည္
သာမန္မႈခင္းျဖစ္စဥ္ တစ္ရပ္အား ေရးသားရာတြင္ ျပစ္မႈက်ဳးလြန္သူ ယံုၾကည္သည့္ ဘာသာအားေဖၚထုတ္ေရးသားျခင္းေၾကာင့္ အတက္ပါ အတိုင္း စာနယ္ဇင္းက်င့္၀တ္ေဖါက္ဖ်က္မႈျဖင့္ အေရးယူေပးရန္ တိုင္ၾကားျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းလည္း သိရသည္။
"ျဖစ္စဥ္ကို ေဖၚထုတ္ခ်င္တယ္ဆိုရင္ ျဖစ္တဲ့ အေၾကာင္းအရာကိုပဲေရးပါ။ ဗုဒၶဘာသာဆိုတာ တစ္ကမၻာလံုးမွာရွိတယ္။ အစၥလာမ္ဆိုတာလည္း တစ္ကမၻာလံုးမွာရွိတယ္။ တစ္စုလုပ္တာကို ဘာသာနဲ႔ ေရာေရးလုိ႔ မရဘူး။မိတၳိလာမွာ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြျဖစ္တယ္ အဲဒီမွာ အၾကမ္းဖက္သူေတြပာာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္ေတြပါလို႔ေရးတာ မ်ိဳးရွိလား။ အၾကမ္းဖက္သူ တစ္စုလို႔ပဲေရးတယ္ေလ ။ဒါကေတာ့ တစ္ဘက္ေစာင္းနင္း ပဲ "ပာု ေ႐ႊနိင္ငံသစ္ ေန႔စဥ္သတင္းစာ ကိုတိုင္ၾကားရျခင္းႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္မ္မီဒီယာ ၏ ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းမႈတစ္ရပ္တြင္ ဦးကံညြန္႔ က အထက္ပါ အတိုင္းေျဖၾကားသည္။
ေရႊနိင္ငံသစ္ သတင္းစာသည္ မၾကာေသးမီ ကာလကလည္း ၉၆၉ လႈပ္ရွားမႈကို အားေပးသည့္ သတင္းမ်ား ေဆာင္းပါးမ်ားကို မၾကာခဏ ထည့္သြင္းေဖၚျပေလ့ရွိသည့္ ပုဂၢလိကပိုင္ ေန႔စဥ္ထုတ္သတင္းစာျဖစ္သည္။
ယမန္ႏွစ္အတြင္း ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳး အမိ်ဳးသမီးတစ္ဦး ေတာအတြင္း အသတ္ခံရမႈတြင္ က်ဳးလြန္သည္ပာု စြပ္စြဲ ခံရသူမ်ားကို အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေရးသားခဲ့သည့္ အတြက္ အဆိုပါ သတင္းထုတ္ျပန္ၿပီး ေနာက္ပိုင္း ၃.၆.၂၀၁၂ တြင္ေတာင္ကုတ္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ အစၥလမ္ဘာသာ၀င္ ၁၀ဦးကို သတ္ျဖတ္ခဲ့ၾကၿပီး ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ အႏွံ႔တြင္လည္း ရိုပာင္ဂ်ာမ်ားႏွင့္ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားအားတိုက္ခိုက္ သတ္ျဖတ္မႈမ်ားျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည္။
ေရႊႏိုင္ငံသစ္ ေန႔စဥ္သတင္းစာ စာတည္းခ်ဳပ္မွာ ဖိုးေသာၾကာ(ေခတ္+မိုး) ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းသိရသည္။
၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္ ဧျပီလ ၁၇ ရက္ေန႔၌ က်င္းပခဲ့ သည့္ သတင္းစာဆရာမ်ားအသင္း ညီလာခံတြင္ စာနယ္ဇင္း က်င့္ဝတ္ ၁၁ ခ်က္တြင္ အမွတ္စဥ္(၈) ၌
စာနယ္ဇင္းမ်ားသည္ တမင္ႀကံရြယ္ တြက္ဆလ်က္ ဘာသာေရးမုန္းတီးမႈမ်ားကို လံႈႈ႔ေဆာ္ျခင္းမျပဳရ။ ဇာတိကိုေသာ္ လည္းေကာင္း၊ ကိုးကြယ္ရာဘာသာကို လည္းေကာင္း၊ လူမ်ဳိးကိုေသာ္ လည္းေကာင္း၊ အေၾကာင္းျပဳ၍ မတရားေ၀ဖန္ ေရးသားျခင္း မျပဳရ
တိုင္ၾကားစာ အျပည့္ အစံုမွာ ေအာက္ပါအတုိင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။
ရက္စြဲ၊ ၊ ၂၀၁၃ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဧၿပီလ(၃၀)
အေၾကာင္းအရာ။ ။အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာအား အလြဲသံုးစားျပဳလုပ္ၿပီး မလိုလားအပ္သည့္ ဆူပူမႈမ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚလာေစရန္ ရည္ရြယ္ၿပီး ေရးသားမႈအား ထိေရာက္စြာ အေရးယူေပးပါရန္ တိုင္ၾကားျခင္း
အထက္ေဖာ္ျပပါ ကိစၥႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ရ (၂၇-၄-၂၀၁၃) စေနေန႕ထုတ္ ေရႊႏိုင္ငံသစ္ေန႕စဥ္သတင္းစာမ်က္ႏွာဖံုးတြင္ ရဲကေခၚယူစစ္ေဆးေနေသာ အရက္မူးသူကို လူတစ္စုက ၀င္ရိုက္သူမ်ားမွာ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားျဖစ္ေနျပန္ ဆိုသည့္ ေခါင္းစဥ္ျဖင့္ သတင္းစာ၏ မ်က္ႏွာဖုံးတြင္ ေရးသားထားမႈမွာ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားအား ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ရွိရွိျဖင့္ ေစာ္ကားေသာ အသံုးအႏႈန္းအေရးအသား ျဖစ္သည့္ အျပင္ ယခုတေလာျဖစ္ေပၚေနေသာ ပဋိပကၡမ်ားအား ပိုမိုႀကီးထြားလာေစရန္ လံႈ႕ေဆာ္ေသာ အေရးအသားမ်ိဳးျဖစ္ေနသည့္ အျပင္ စာနယ္ဇင္း က်င့္ ၀တ္ကိုလည္း ေလးစားလိုက္နာမႈမရွိေသာ အေရးအသားမ်ိဳးျဖစ္ေနသည့္ အတြက္ ေရႊႏိုင္ငံသစ္ေန႕စဥ္သတင္းစာအား ထိထိေရာက္ေရာက္ အေရးယူေပးပါရန္ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္ တစ္ဦးအေနျဖင့္ တိုင္ၾကားရျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။
Posted: 09 May 2013 08:32 AM PDT
Pakatan Rakyat akan mencari semua yang terlibat di dalam penipuan semasa pengundian pada 5 Mei lalu termasuk Pegawai Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya (SPR) yang seleweng dan pemandu bas yang membawa pengundi ragu.
"Bermula minggu ini, saya dan rakan-rakan dalam Pakatan Rakyat akan menumpukan setiap satu saat hidup kami untuk mencari pencuri-pencuri undi kita," kata ketua siasatan itu, Rafizi Ramli.
Rafzi, yang baru dilantik untuk mengetuai jawatankuasa khas siasatan itu, berkata usaha ini akan membuktikan kepada semua pihak bahawa wujudnya beberapa insiden penipuan dan penyelewengan pada PRU-13.
"Kita akan cari Pegawai Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya (SPR) yang menipu, kita akan kejar pemandu-pemandu bas yang bawa pengundi asing ke tempat kita.
"Kita akan tunjukkan bukti satu persatu mengapa kerajaan (Perdana Menteri Datuk Seri) Najib wajar ditumbangkan kerana kerajaan haram," katanya dalam ucapan di perhimpunan "Suara Rakyat Suara Keramat"
"Saya minta semua rakyat Malaysia yang sayangkan negara, yang tahu nilai keadilan, kita mesti tolak penyelewengan dan penipuan ini.
"Saya minta rakyat Malaysia membantu berikan bukti supaya kita cabar dia di mahkamah, di jalan, kita lawan mereka di Parlimen sampai menang," katanya yang baru dinobatkan sebagai Ahli Parlimen Pandan.
Rafizi turut akan berkerjasama dengan Gabungan Pilihan Raya Bersih dan Adil (BERSIH) serta parti komponen Pakatan Rakyat bagi mencari bukti berhubung penyelewengan ini.
Pakatan percaya bahawa proses pengundian dan kiraan undi pada 5 Mei lalu penuh dengan insiden penipuan seperti ejen calon yang dihalang daripada mengawal kotak undi awal dan penglibatan warga asing sebagai pengundi.
Posted: 09 May 2013 05:48 AM PDT
Posted: 09 May 2013 05:27 AM PDT
Anwar praises rally participants
WATCH THE VIDEO HERE:
MORE PHOTOS AT
@ MSN ELECTION SPECIAL
By MSN Malaysia
Thousands of Malaysians dressed in black came in droves to gather at Stadium Kelana Jaya to listen to opposition leaders like PKR advisor Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, DAP leader Lim Kit Siang and PAS deputy president Mohamad Sabu speak at the rally.
Many supporters brought along placards, flags and blew vuvuzelas, and some even came as early as 6pm to book their spots in the stadium. By 9pm, traffic on LDP highway came to a standstill and supporters ditched their cars at the nearby LRT station to walk to the stadium. Inside the stadium, supporters gathered peacefully and listened to Anwar making an announcement that his party Pakatan Rakyat would hold another gathering in Penang this Saturday.
Click next to see photos inside Stadium Kelana Jaya.
Posted: 09 May 2013 04:08 AM PDT
From Malaysian Insider
KUALA LUMPUR, May 9 — Election 2013 has laid bare the declining influence of Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad as a political force, an analysis of where and how he campaigned has showed. The former prime minister campaigned incessantly but Barisan Nasional (BN) candidates whom he backed or shared his ideals - such as the controversial Zulkifli Noordin and Ibrahim Ali - all lost. In Kedah - where his son Mukhriz is now Mentri Besar on the back of a BN victory - local politicians and observers have pointed out that voters gave PAS the boot because of poor governance by the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) party.
Brand Mahathir did not win Kedah for BN, but it was rather a case of PAS losing the state, one senior Umno politician in Kedah told The Malaysian Insider. Dr Mahathir's attempt at painting the battle for Gelang Patah in Johor as a Malay versus Chinese battle also failed miserably. Many analysts and BN politicians have said that his incessant playing of the race card for the Election 2013 campaign saw support for him deplete.
"He still has his niche group of supporters in the Malays, they wouldn't simply demonise leaders whom they feel have been there for them long enough."But yes... at times, it may be true that his time is over. What he says, how he says it, may not have traction among the younger generation, in the urban areas. But let us not forget - he is not the PM of the day," Sabah Umno secretary Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan told The Malaysian Insider.
But other leaders were not so kind, believing the 87-year-old Dr Mahathir should finally enjoy his retirement and stay out of current day politics where they say he is fast growing irrelevant. They said that in the age of social media politics, Dr Mahathir's influence is waning quickly as Malaysians prefer the more liberal, moderate and inclusive brand of politics brought by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak. Dr Mahathir's strong support base among the traditional, older Malay voters would likely be insufficient to win the votes for Barisan Nasional (BN) again.
They said that it would be the fast-growing urban, middle-class and young voters who will soon form a larger part of the electorate. And going by the vote trend of Election 2013, it is this key demographic that BN must win over if it wants to return with an even stronger mandate in the next general election. "I hope by looking at the analysis of the elections, he will realise that his time is over," said Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs (IDEAS) chief executive Wan Saiful Wan Jan.
"He should leave the administration of this country to the new generation of politicians led by Najib. "He has had his time and he has done tremendous things but his day in politics is over. Before he destroys his legacy, perhaps it is time to leave gracefully," he added. Election 2013 saw Dr Mahathir backing right-wing Muslim hardliners like Perkasa president Datuk Ibrahim Ali and vice-president Datuk Zulkifli Noordin but neither one emerged victor in their contest. Speaking to The Malaysian Insider recently, Shah Alam Umno division chief Datuk Ahmad Nawawi M. Zin admitted that if Dr Mahathir had not campaigned in Shah Alam, BN may have earned more votes.
Rafidah agreed that the use of racism to win support should be rejected"On the whole, in the cities, I feel Dr Mahathir's influence is no longer relevant as the issues he brings and his opinions do not really suit with the current generation, especially with his backing of Perkasa. "Perhaps BN has to review this," he said. While his foes in Pakatan Rakyat (PR) made sure their leaders worked hard to eschew racism while on the hustings, it was race that dominated nearly all of Dr Mahathir's speeches over the stretch of the 15-day campaign period. He repeatedly singled out his long-time parliamentary foe Lim Kit Siang for leaving his seat in Ipoh Timor to contest the Chinese-majority Gelang Patah seat in Johor, calling the DAP veteran an "extremist racist" for allegedly attempting to sway the Chinese to hate the Malays.
"I will say it out as vocal as possible. Lim Kit Siang is a racist. Lim Kit Siang is a racist. Lim Kit Siang is an extremist racist," he had said during a ceramah in Shah Alam three days before polling day. Speaking to The Malaysian Insider recently, Tan Sri Rafidah Aziz, a veteran Umno leader who served under Dr Mahathir's administration agreed that the use of racism to win support should be rejected. Without singling out her ex-boss, the outspoken former Wanita Umno chief told The Malaysian Insider that racial diversity should be wielded as a strength and not a weapon to divide and rule.
"Gone are the days when we can become champions of a certain race. I never subscribe to it. We are Malaysians first and foremost. "I am a Malaysian who happens to be Malay... but it is our Malaysian-ness that we carry proudly when we are out there," she said. Merdeka Center for Opinion Research director Ibrahim Suffian, however, noted that while Dr Mahathir's methods had been rejected by the urban and middle-class electorate, the leader still commands a huge following among Umno's traditional support base in rural, Malay Malaysia.Wan Saiful insisted that Dr Mahathir should bow out from the political scene and make a graceful exit. But he agreed the influence was not as far-reaching as Umno and Dr Mahathir himself may have estimated, noting that many Malay voters in these exteriors had also swung to the opposition.
"Voters are more discerning. They reject this brand of ethnic chauvinism," he observed.
But Ibrahim said Dr Mahathir still has much influence within Umno, the BN lynchpin, a point that fellow political analyst Wan Saiful agreed with. "I agree... but he is influential among only Umno members and when it comes to an election, what you need to do is not just to pursuade your own side," he pointed out. Wan Saiful insisted that Dr Mahathir should bow out from the political scene and make a graceful exit, saying this was necessary for the former prime minister to ensure his legacy as Malaysia's 'father of modernisation" is not marred by mistakes he may make today.
"Najib is the PM of today and Dr Mahathir is of yesterday. Najib has sensed the need to move into a different direction and this is what he is doing," he said. Agreeing, Ibrahim reminded of the vast changes in the flow of information in today's political landscape, saying this had largely affected the results of Election 2013 and Dr Mahathir's influence. "There is that challenge because Dr Mahathir is used to running a country when there was no social media and the population was more easily controlled and was smaller. "Today, you have a much younger generation who live in times when information is free-flowing. The environment has changed and with it, many of our leaders must change too," he said.
Posted: 09 May 2013 03:46 AM PDT
By J. D. Lovrenciear
Indeed the very sight of a packed stadium of Malaysians of all races dressed in black should be sending a power-packed message not only to the BN power grabbers but to the whole wide world too. Here is a world class example – Malaysian style, of citizens of all ethnic origins gathering on their own volition to express in a disciplined, peaceful manner that they will not take the reported unfair and fraudulent General Elections lying down. What is indeed amazing is that many in the crowds that wisely took the LRT and walked all the way to the Kelanan Jaya stadium did not even know how to get there. But they did. Therein lies an important lesson in communicative behavior to BN leaders.
When the going gets tough, the tough get going. The wet field was not a deterrent. People of all ages just sat on the green – again without any prompting. What is even more amazing is to see a sea of young people – Chinese, Indians and Malays (and certainly many also looked like Sabahans or Sarawakians) – all of them wearing black clothes. It speaks volumes about the tens of thousands being able to relate with and identify their struggle for a single cause, i.e. to return true democracy to Malaysia.
Lim Kit Siang, Ambiga and Anwar Ibrahim received standing ovation even before they could utter a single word. That is the kind of admiration the crowds showered on these two leaders. What is most surprising is the fact that young people – probably only in their early twenties, were backing these three leaders. That again speaks volumes of how true leadership successfully cuts across all age groups and all Malaysians irrespective of their ethnicity. Yes, you cannot play dumb; you cannot dismiss this rally. It is a collective expression of the people's wishes. If BN tries to derail or bin this episode as another political rousing by the opposition, then it does so at its own peril. Here is a momentum that will only get larger over time!
Looking at the energy on the ground, it is very clear that Malaysians are not going to take "No" for an answer. They want justice and the ground and crowd sentiment says it all – loud and clear. It takes a fool to not notice.BN leaders need to remove their political power and control lens and look at the reality as it is with knowledge and wisdom. The people appear resolved to show the world that through their passive movement they will ensure that democracy is not only said is being practiced but also see to it that democracy is seen and practiced.
As the massive stadium packed crowds left the venue, there were no policemen or event coordinators to help navigate the human traffic that had to squeeze its way out of the narrow and few gates. But there was no pushing, no screaming. They just moved in an awesome manner that would leave any observer with great admiration. Many young boys – Malays and Chinese and Indians, working side by side, took to managing the traffic as the vehicles were paralyzed into a bumper to bumper jam. The absence of traffic police did not matter. The youths demonstrated they were capable and responsible to resolve the flow.
There was no free food. No free drinks. No free entertainment. But despite thousands of them having to walk many kilometers after the event indicates that people want justice at all cost. It was also so easy to thumb lifts – Indians, Chinese or Malays was not a criteria to oblige. Even the direction you are going was not an issue. All these experiences and observations were bringing the masses together, a bonding that will be hard to destroy.
This again proves the degree of conviction that there is brotherhood to the rally. That unity is to return fair play into politics. Indeed, the world will take notice. For here is a nation of people who are time and time again proving that despite all that Tun Dr Mahathir has threatened and prophesied, Malaysians on the contrary keep reaffirming that they are a united co-existing lot supporting each other in ensuring there is a level playing field for everyone.
If BN leaders ignore or belittle this new wave in the country, it is going to set them even further down the scale of credibility. If the global community of leaders look to the contrary and continue to congratulate the BN leaders who are taking office nevertheless, it could only embarrass them eventually. To put things in the right perspective (or bluntly, if you may), this is not an opposition ruckus or ploy. It is citizens' action that finds its voice in the leaders who are quick to sense it and galvanize resolution. And for that PR deserves commendation.
Indeed, this rally reignites hope for a nation and also serves as a warning for tyrannies around the world. Hence the sooner the powers that be come to their senses and redress the issues at hand, the better for everyone. Denial will expedite even a permanent demise of BN that probably may take several decades to repair and reinvent.
Posted: 09 May 2013 03:33 AM PDT
Posted: 09 May 2013 03:48 AM PDT
Mr Prime Minister has reappointed Ahmad Said and Mohamad Hasan as Mentri Besar of Trengganu dan Negri Sembilan respectively.
Whether we like it or not, that's his prerogative rights as the PM and Umno president, and that the decision is final.
Sometimes there is no need for us to listen to the ground before making a decision. What's important is to maintain the executives' support for the big boss. The grassroot negative sentiment on the two mentri besar will be attended to at a later stage, most probably a few months before the 14th general election or during the party's branch and divisional meetings soon.
I don't want to comment further but some of our decisions could be right or wrong.
However, I would like listening to what the rakyat of Trengganu and Negri Sembilan has to say...
Posted: 09 May 2013 03:29 AM PDT
From Malaysiakini by Dean Jones
While BN basks in the good news that it has 'won' the 13th general election, I'm delighted to see how much bad news this crooked, lying regime has to face in its moment of 'triumph'. In other words, though my hopes have been dashed that some kind of miracle might occur to rid Malaysia of this chronic curse this time around, I'm absolutely elated at the fact that it was such a pyrrhic victory for Najib Abdul Razak and his gang of nasties.
Survival with seven fewer federal seats than Abdullah Ahmad Badawi (left) achieved in 2008 is absolutely pathetic considering the fraudulence of the electoral system, the countless billions thrown around in pork-barreling and bribery, and the combined might of the mendacious mainstream media. And way beyond pathetic is Najib's immediate blaming of the Chinese Malaysian community for his failure to steal back the two-thirds majority he and his accomplices so desperately craved.
In achieving over 50 percent of the vote, Pakatan Rakyat clearly attracted a great deal of support from Malaysians of every race and creed, especially in most of the relatively enlightened and prosperous urban centres. Paradoxically, it was the very people who BN has systematically contrived to keep poor, ignorant and thus grateful for peanuts in handouts who voted them back into office. That portion of the population still innocent or ignorant enough to believe that selling their votes for cash is some kind of entrepreneurial coup, and that the pack of lies they're fed by BN's 'mainstream' media could possibly be true.
While, no thanks to BN but rather over its dead body, urban Malaysians now have access to genuine news online, it is an absolute disgrace to the regime's claims of progress that there are millions of Malaysians to whom the Net is still just the thing you sleep under to keep the nyamuk from biting you in the night. No wonder such deliberately-disadvantaged people neither know nor care that for decades they've been fed false promises and pacified with chicken-feed while BN has systematically looted the nation's treasury and resources and destroyed its civil institutions.
What's great news for the rest of us, however, and very bad news for BN, is that urban Malaysians are abandoning the regime in overwhelming numbers,. Thus rendering Najib's 'victory' as hollow possible by depriving him of the prizes he so dearly, indeed desperately wanted. Selangor, for a start, where BN has been even more comprehensively slaughtered this time than back in 2008, and Penang where the regime has suffered a similar fate.
Well deserved wipeouts
Then there are all the triumphs that Pakatan scored on an individual level. It was fantastic to see Nurul Izzah Anwar prevail despite the regime's throwing everything at her; to see Lim Kit Siang not only win but achieve a landslide in a seat in Johor; and to witness the well deserved wipeouts of the Malacca chief minister Mohd Ali Rustam and the candidates fielded by Perkasa. And speaking of wipeouts, it was an absolute joy to witness the eagerly anticipated near-annihilation of Umno's ever-compliant partners in the BN crime syndicate, the MCA, MIC and Gerakan. While these parties have at least thus far been quite humble or at least fatalistic in defeat, Mohd Ali (left) has been loudly lamenting the ingratitude of the voters who deserted him in such droves.
According to BN 'news' agency Bernama, he "lamented" that "voters, especially the Chinese, did not appreciate all the services and efforts undertaken by the BN government in developing the state and safeguarding the welfare of the rakyat". What Mohd Ali failed to mention, of course, was the possibility that the voters, both Chinese and otherwise, had doubtlessly recalled how little they appreciated the arrogant contempt he demonstrated for their welfare on the occasion of his elder son's marriage some months ago.
As you'll recall, and as the voters of Malacca surely did, Mohd Ali invited so many guests that he claimed it was a Malaysian if not world record for a wedding crowd, and had the bills for the entire affair sent to the state government. Another sore loser for whom it is hard to feel a shred of sympathy is Johor BN chairperson Abdul Ghani Othman (right). Smarting from his crushing 14,762-vote defeat in Gelang Patah parliamentary seat by Lim, he blamed people who had "cast their votes based on their emotions".
How the voters are expected to remain unemotional in the face of one massive BN scandal after another, he didn't attempt to explain. But whatever, emotions are still running very high indeed among Pakatan members and supporters at the outrageous illegalities committed by the regime before and during the general election, and blithely condoned by the crooked Election Commission. Blatant gerrymandering has delivered BN about 60 percent of parliamentary seats with less than 50 percent of the popular vote. And even this minority of votes for BN was achieved with a blend of alleged bribery, fraud and rigging of the electoral rolls and postal votes.
What Malaysians can or will do about being thus robbed of the change of government they so clearly craved is anybody's guess. Challenge the result in the BN-biased courts? Stage Bersih-style public rallies in support of demands for a re-run, in defiance of the BN-biased police? Meanwhile, we all wait to hear the possible ultimate bad news for Najib, if not BN in general, from the eternal and ever-malicious PM-behind-the-scenes Dr Mahathir Mohamad (left). As gratified as he surely must be by the success of son Mukhriz in the general election, and as relieved to be spared facing justice at the hands of a Pakatan government, he's likely to be very unimpressed indeed by Najib's abject failure to win back BN's cherished two-thirds majority.
So BN and its supporters had better enjoy the good news while it lasts, because they have so much bad news coming to them, from both inside and outside their ranks, that they'll wonder why they ever bothered engineering this fake 'win' - and may even come to regret it.
DEAN JOHNS, after many years in Asia, currently lives with his Malaysian-born wife and daughter in Sydney, where he coaches and mentors writers and authors and practises as a writing therapist. Published books of his columns for Malaysiakini include 'Mad about Malaysia', 'Even Madder about Malaysia', 'Missing Malaysia', '1Malaysia.con' and 'Malaysia Mania'.
Posted: 09 May 2013 03:23 AM PDT
The events of the last two weeks in Myanmar bear considerable similarity to events a little over 19 years ago in a country that became synonymous with the abject failure of the UN, and defined the word "genocide" for the 20th century – Rwanda.
While the one million people butchered in Rwanda is a relatively small number compared to the almost two million killed during the reign of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, Pol Pot took four years to reach his tally while in Rwanda the figure was reached in 100 days.
The systematic murder, rape, desecration of corpses, destruction of homes, businesses and places of worship that have taken place against Myanmar Muslims of late closely parallel occurrences in Rwanda leading up to the shooting down of Rwandan president Juvénal Habyarimana's plane on April 6, 1994.
Just like Myanmar President Thein Sein, Mr Habyarimana was a reformist, moderate president. His aircraft was returning to Kigalia with Burundi President Cyprien Ntaryamira on board following a meeting in Tanzania where multi-party elections that would end the Hutu dominated control of Rwanda had been discussed.
Hard line opponents to the reforms that would have seen the Hutu (about 85 per cent of the population) sharing power with the Tutsi (about 14 per cent) included Colonel Théoneste Bagosora, directeur du cabinet (director of the cabinet, equivalent to chief of staff) in Rwanda's Ministry of Defence, who had organised themselves into a secret "third-hand" inside the presidential palace.
As recently as Myanmar Armed Forces Day on March 28 the Myanmar Army declared that it has no intention of giving up the 25 per cent of parliamentary seats it reserved for itself in the Myanmar constitution, enough to give it veto power over any constitutional changes it doesn't like – a 75 per cent majority in the parliament required to bring about change.
General Min Aung Hlaing said the military will continue to play a central role, both in politics and as peacekeepers in a country that has seen a surge of ethnic and religious violence in the two years since President Thein Sein's administration began opening up the Southeast Asian country through a series of touted human rights and regulatory reforms.
The notion that the Myanmar Army will simply fade into the sunset and let the politicians rule (or tinker where they can from the shadows) in the same manner as the Indonesia army did in 2004 is fanciful.
Hard-liners: Rwanda's Colonel Theoneste Bagosora & Myanmar's General Min Aung Hlaing. Photos: Courtesy AFP / REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tu via Yahoo News
In Myanmar Buddhists and Muslims have led a generally peaceful coexistence for hundreds of years. Despite the years of oppression by prior Myanmar governments, up until June last year the Muslims, Rohingya and Buddhists in Rakhine State had traded and socialised with each other since the 1400s.
Suddenly mid last year the region became engulfed in what is politely termed "sectarian clashes" resulting in widespread destruction to Muslim parts of Sittwe and more than 125,000 displaced Rohingya and Kaman Muslims.
Most recently mobs of Buddhists led by people dressed as monks and armed with swords and knives have attacked and burned mosques, Muslim-owned businesses and schools, and incited mobs to murder and assault Muslim's in Meikhtila resulting in at least 42 confirmed deaths.
In Rwanda the non-uniformed interahamwe (Literally: Those who work together) militia, trained in much the same way as local soccer teams do globally, though their "training sessions" were liberally sprinkled with a continual diatribe based on nationalism, Hutu pride, traditions, hatred, and increasing amounts of mock weapons and "combat training".
At the end of their training sessions the Hutu interahamwe returned to their villages and neighbourhoods where they slept in homes adjacent to Tutsi neighbours and work colleagues.
Gunfire erupted in parts of Kigali almost as soon as the two surface-to-air missiles fired from the northern part of the Kanombe Military Camp, home to the presidential guard, the paracommando battalion, and the AntiAircraft Battalion, sent the president's pane crashing in pieces into the grounds of the presidential palace.
The world was prepared to spend money on bringing Rwanda genocide perpetrator to trial, but not prepared to stop the slaughter
Members of the Presidential Guard quickly erected roadblocks around strategic parts of Kigali to keep the UN peacekeeping force – United Nations Assistance Mission to Rwanda (UNAMIR) – led by Canadian Army Lieutenant-General Romeo Dallaire, the media and the 600-strong members of the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) at bay, while Hutu citizens emerged from their homes and began hacking and killing their Tutsi neighbours.
In Myanmar President Thein Sein has closed cities and districts by declaring a State of Emergency almost immediately upon unrest occurring, prohibiting travel to the region by foreigners and media, while the Myanmar Army has been despatched to bring about order with little international scrutiny.
While many international media representatives withdrew (or were withdrawn) along with the evacuation of foreign embassies and citizens almost immediately on the outset of the carnage in Rwanda, those who stayed were often ignored by Hutu intent on clubbing and hacking their Tutsi victims to death, including by the priests who took part in the slaughter of some 5,000 Tutsi seeking shelter in the Nyarubye Catholic Church.
In 1994 there were no digital cameras, everything was shot on negative or transparency film. Getting photos to publications was a case of asking someone leaving by air to carry rolls of film or negatives with them to London or Paris where a courier would be waiting for them. Communications was primarily via walkie-talkie, satellite phones, or the UNs phone network, though prior to April 6 1994 telex, fax and patchy international calls were available.
In the 21st century of digital images, mobile phones, internet, and social media, information is able to be disseminated considerably faster, while everyone who owns a modern smartphone is a potential "press photographer" and there is nothing more effective than a photo to illustrate – or to distort – a scene.
Of the 17 journalists and media representatives recorded by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) as having been killed in Rwanda in 1994, 83 per cent were local staff, while 43 per cent of the total had been abducted, taken captive or tortured prior to their deaths.
Last week the CPJ called on the Myanmar government to prioritise the safety of journalists covering "communal riots in central Burma", citing reports by Radio Free Asia, the Democratic Voice of Burma, Associated Press, and The Irrawaddy of multiple incidents of news and camera crews being threatened, intimidated, and/or assaulted.
According to reports to the the CPJ: "armed Buddhist monks… put a knife to one journalist's throat and seized and destroyed the memory cards… a Buddhist monk who covered his face placed a foot-long dagger at the throat of an AP reporter and demanded he hand over his camera…"
Shawn Crispin, the CPJ's senior Southeast Asia representative said: "We condemn the threats and intimidation of journalists covering the recent communal riots in Burma. Authorities are obliged to ensure the security of journalists working in conflict areas".
Authorities are also obliged to ensure the safety and security of ALL of their citizens – but wait, the Rohingya are not Myanmar citizens under the country's constitution – despite evidence of early Bengali Muslim settlements in Arakan dating back to the 1430s.
Satelite images of part of Meiktila, Myanamr showing before and after the March 2013 violence against Muslims. Photo: Courtesy Human Rights Watch
Around Kigali privateers intent on establishing business in the tiny central & east African country darted from meeting to meeting, agency to agency in much the same way as those seeking to do business in the newly opened frontier of Myanmar do today.
The swimming pools at major hotels including the Hôtel des Mille Collines were well patronised by mostly European visitors and more than a few families, while bureaucrats, UN staff, and NGOs organised a never ending round of seminars, gab feasts and social functions, while just out of sight tensions simmered.
Buddhist monk Saydaw Wirathu fuels violence
In Myanmar a speech made by Buddhist monk Saydaw Wirathu at Mandalay's Ma-soe-yein teaching monastery is said to have fuelled the ferocity of the most recent round of violence against Myanmar Muslims in Meiktilla, and helped spread it to other regions.
Arrested in 2003 for distributing anti-Muslim literature, in his most recent video / statement Wirathu, the leader of a new ultra-conservative, right-wing, nationalist movement known as 969, calls on Buddhists to join the 969 Buddhist nationalist campaign by doing business or interacting in any way with people who are "not of our kind: the same race and faith".
Throughout the 1994 Genocide Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) broadcast continual propaganda against the Tutsi and moderate Hutus, directing gangs of Hutu interahamwe to locations where Tutsi were seeking shelter.
A 2012 Harvard University study by David Yanagizawa-Drott suggests that approximately 50,000 deaths were caused by the station's broadcasts, which also was responsible for recruiting up to 9.7 per cent of the people who took part in the killing.
Despite the desperate pleadings of UNAMIR Force Commander General Dallaire, the head of the International Committee for the Red Cross, Philippe Gaillard and numerous agency and freelance photographers and journalists, world leaders such as former US president Bill Clinton, then American Ambassador to the UN Madeleine Albright, and the head of the UN Peace Keeping Operations (UNPKO), who later became UN Secretary-General, Koffi Annan, all maintain they were unaware of the severity of what was taking place in Rwanda at the time.
In fact Mr Annan specifically ordered General Dallaire that he could not dig up interahamwe arms caches he had been told about in the days leading up to the assassination of president Habyarimana, and instructed UNAMIR PKF that they were not to use force and tightened the terms under which its members could return fire to defend themselves.
The only way that Messrs. Clinton, Albright, Annan, et al could not have been aware of the full extent of what was happening in Rwanda in 1994. Graphic: Supplied
The only way that Messrs. Clinton, Albright, Annan, et al could not have been aware of the full extent of what was happening in Rwanda in 1994 was if they each had their heads embedded securely in a place where the sun doesn't shine. The truth is that none of them wanted to know what was going on in Rwanda in 1994 as to publicly acknowledge the genocide taking place would have required they take intervention action.
It's a matter of history that despite thousands of gruesome photos of dead and severely injured Tutu, thousands of words written about what was happening and hundreds of hours of radio and television reports, it took the US State Department more than 83 days before it used the word "genocide" in connection with Rwanda and only then prefaced by the the words "acts of".
On the sidelines of an Asean 2020 seminar hosted by the Future Innovative Thailand Institute in Bangkok on March 22, Dr Termsak Chalermpalanupap, the former Asean director of political and security cooperation said "there is no Rohingya problem in Myanmar as long as Myanmar says there is no Rohingya problem".
A visiting Research Fellow on political and security affairs at the ASEAN Studies Centre, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, Dr Termsak said, "the Rohingya are not an Asean problem… Asean will not and should not get involved".
While no-one is suggesting the number of deaths from the violence against Myanmar Muslims is anywhere near that of Tutsi killed in the 1994 Rwandan genocide, the 2015 elections are still some way off, metaphorically though only in the same way as the Rwandan presidents plane was some way off before it departed Dar es Salaam on April 6, 1994.
As Myanmar rockets towards full multi-party elections in 2015 and the first chair of the Asean Economic Community (AEC), the big concern for many is that opposition leader and activist Aung San Suu Kyi, who has to date remained all but mute on the killing of Myanmar Muslims and Rohingya, will continue to say nothing in pursuit of her ambition for presidency… a position she is constitutionally barred from occupying.
This posting includes an audio/video/photo media file: Download Now
Posted: 09 May 2013 03:11 AM PDT
TQ KO SAI LATT and THE IRRAWADDY editors. Although the No. 8 Stage of Genocide is still a denial after the genocide, you have rightly said that there is a denial at the present by every personality from both side of political divide and even from the democratic world. Kindly allow me to add an interesting new phenomena in Myanmar which made me to think about adding two more stages in the Internationally accepted "8 Stages of Genocide".
"No 9th. Stage of Genocide": blaming the victims = government, some Myanmar/Rakhines, 969 group and Government are blaming Muslims of Myanmar (Rohingyas and Myanmar Muslims) for those mass murders in Rakhine and Meikhtila.
"No 10th. Stage of Genocide": asking the victims to apologize. This is promoted by 969 U Wira Thu, online Myanmar Military Government cyber-troopers, Mandalay Chief minister U Ye Myint and people in the inner-circle of U Thein Sein's Government.
By SAI LATT / THE IRRAWADDY| May 8, 2013 |
Army trucks line up along a road in downtown Meikhtila on March 23. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy ) The Burmese majority are in a state of denial that Burma now displays the early warning signs of genocide, "ethnic cleansing" or "crimes against humanity." Rights activists are among them. Aung Myo Min, the director of Human Rights Education Institute of Burma (HREIB), has called the findings of last month's Human Rights Watch report into violence in Arakan State "unacceptable."
By rejecting the use of the term "ethnic cleansing" to describe the attacks on Rohingya Muslims there, these people have become both active and passive accomplices to the crimes. The criminals enjoy safe haven, continuing to pursue a situation where full-scale mass killings are possible. They run the risk of staying silent while all the warning signs are there.
Burmese tend to conflate "ethnic cleansing" and genocide based on two assumptions: that the outbreak of violence is sudden and that many thousands are killed. This is a misconception, leading many Burmese to assume genocide has not taken place in their country. The longer-term campaigns that lay the groundwork for the mass slaughter do not seem to matter. For them, speaking out about what might be coming is unacceptable incitement.
But internationally-recognized definitions are broader. The 1948 Genocide Convention defines genocide as constituted by acts committed with intent to destroy an ethnic, racial or religious group. Physical as well as mental injury is included in the definition, as is preventing births and transferring children to destroy a group's existence.
Even the April 29 government-sponsored Arakan Conflict Inquiry Commission's report, according to this definition, can be considered as part of a form of genocide. One of many potentially destructive recommendations in the report is promoting birth control among Rohingya women. Whether intended to be so or not, this policy is genocidal.
In the cities and towns, far removed from the violence, the killings are out of sight, out of mind. This is what happened in Rwanda in 1994, when in the space of about 100 days at least 800,000 Rwandans were killed, mostly from the Tutsi minority. Rwanda's genocide was not a sudden "outbreak." The conditions for full-scale killing were developed over many years, particularly the 40 months prior to April 1994.
Peter Uvin, a former UN officer and the author of Aiding Violence, explains these events. Shocking are not just the events, but the neglect over the signs of genocide. The signs were clear, but people simply ignored them. These signs are now visible in Burma. This does not mean that Burma will inevitably become the next Rwanda; but the point is that the signs of pre-April 1994 Rwanda can be detected in Burma today.
Prior to April 1994, the international community was congratulating the ethnic Hutu-dominated government for improved state capacity, and awarding it with aid money. What was the award for? Economic reform. Millions upon millions of dollars of developmental aid were channeled to the country. The government had complete control over foreign aid money in Rwanda. More than 80 percent went to the governmental sector and the rest needed government approval. Despite on-going gross abuses the US, for example, did not even bother reducing military aid.
Recent international engagement with Burma, the inflow of aid money, International Crisis Group's award to President Thein Sein, and the US's plan for military engagement, are the Burmese equivalent of Rwanda.
In Rwanda, the US, EU, the World Bank, bilateral donors, and international organizations all moved away from working with the community towards directly engaging with the government. Programs were designed to build up human capacity for the government. The government openly discussed genocide in cabinet meetings. But international donor governments ended up helping and strengthening it by pouring in money.
The government bought arms from abroad; 581,000 machetes were imported from China. According to British journalist Linda Melvern, an arms deal worth $26 million was signed with Egypt in 1990.
Hate messages against Tutsis were openly broadcasted on radio stations. Thousands of Tutsis were already being massacred. The international community not only failed to react, but continued to present a positive image of the government's reform initiatives.
Although it was not sure how much power-holders within the international community knew what was happening in Rwanda, there were two reports published in 1993, one by four NGOs and another by the UN special rapporteur. They detailed massive arms distribution, extreme anti-Tutsi rhetoric, and government-backed killings mainly targeting Tutsis. No one reacted.
For Burma, the recent report by Human Rights Watch (HRW) and statements by UN envoys to Burma, Mr. Tomas Quintana and Mr. Vijay Nambiar, detail mass killing, systematic and widespread violence against ethnic Rohingya. Mr. Quintana stated in the case of anti-Muslim violence in central Burma that he received evidence of state involvement, while Mr. Nambiar stated the violence was done with "brutal efficiency".
Even more disturbing in the case of Rwanda is that the UN secretariat was well informed about potential genocide by General Romeo Dallaire, head of UN peace keeping in Rwanda. But information was ignored.
A Human Rights Watch report pointed out that a CIA analyst predicted in January 1994 that half a million people would die. In February, Belgium predicted mass killing. France also knew enough. But they did not react until late April.
International development aid workers in Rwanda were aware of killings and abuses. They did not speak out for various personal and organizational reasons. They kept silent as they did not expect the scale of violence to be so massive. They were in a state of denial, just like the Burmese today.
Genocide could not happen without turning a large portion of the population into thugs and killers. As Alison Desforges detailed in a Human Rights Report on Rwanda, genocide is a campaign to which potential killers are recruited over time.
But people did not simply become killers. They were turned into mass murderers by propaganda that drugged their mind with misinformation and lies. Some key points from the report detailed by Alison Desforges are worth paying attention to, as similar signs can be seen in Burma.
In Rwanda, the newspaper Kangura (meaning: "wake others up") was the most vocal "voice of hate". It was soon joined by other journals and newspapers that have ties to politicians and businesses linked to the regime. Radio stations were established. They performed their function by stroking racism and providing misinformation so that the people became delusional and bloodthirsty.
In Burma, local media is stirring up resentment of Rohingya and Burmese Muslims.
Since hate messages require validation, propagandists refer to the work of "intellectuals" or "professors". In Rwanda, two professors, Nahimana and Leon Mugesera, played a key role. They both studied in the West. They taught at universities in Rwanda before becoming propagandists. The equivalents of these "intellectuals" in Burma are not hard to find.
In Rwanda, Tutsi were described as foreigners who stole the land from the rightful owners, the Hutu. Hutu propagandists accused "Tutsi Unity" to be the idea that facilitated Tutsi's past conquest and helped in their quest for domination.
In Burma, ethnic Rohingyas, and now Burmese Muslims, are widely portrayed as foreigners. They are said to be taking over the land, race and Buddhist religion. Equivalent to "Tutsi Unity" was the number "786" used by Muslims. According to anti-Muslim preachers, 786 stands for Muslims take over of Burma and the world in the 21st century. According to Muslims, it represents a Quranic phrase: "In the name of God, most Gracious, most Compassionate".
Tutsis in Rwanda were labeled "cockroaches". In Burma, followers of these propagandists have called the Rohingyas "viruses" and "dogs".
As the case of Rwanda shows, the Hutu-led government was cunning and ruthless. Propagandists were drugging people with misinformation only to turn them into mindless murderers. Many people were being killed every day but the international community ended up supporting the regime in the name of economic reform. Even though the governments of the West appeared to know that genocide was coming, they could not take action until too late. Westerners staying in Rwanda did not expect a full scale slaughter. But it happened.
In Burma, most people reject the term genocide to protect the innocence of the nation they are so dear to. It is hard to imagine that their denial supports mass slaughter. But denying the warning signs is not really serving their purpose; it only blocks attempts to take preventive measures so that unimaginable cruelty is not unleashed.
Unlike Rwanda, Burma has been forewarned. Taking advantage of this, serious preventive actions must be taken. If such cruel human slaughter ever happens in Burma, all those who have blocked investigation and preventive measures are share responsibility. After all, it is the majority Burmese who have the power to shape the the country's fate.
Sai Latt is a Burmese and a PhD candidate at Simon Fraser University in Canada. The views expressed here are the author's own and do not reflect the editorial policies of The Irrawaddy.
Posted: 09 May 2013 05:01 AM PDT
Kenyataan Perdana Menteri Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak bahawa kemerosotan prestasi Barisan Nasional (BN) pada Pilihan Raya Umum ke 13 (PRU13) sebagai akibat dari berlakunya 'tsunami Cina' disanggah oleh para pemimpin Umno sendiri.
Terbaru, bekas Perdana Menteri Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi berpendapat adalah tidak wajar untuk mengaitkan keputusan PRU13 lalu sebagai isu perkauman.
Katanya, adalah tidak adil untuk menuduh dan menyalahkan kaum tertentu terhadap keputusan PRU13 lalu dan perkara itu tidak boleh dibiarkan berlaku.
"Kita tidak boleh membiarkan sebarang percubaan untuk menjadikan keputusan pilihan raya sebagai isu perkauman. Tindakan tuduh-menuduh dan menyalahkan mana-mana komuniti adalah tidak adil dan tidak memberi manfaat," katanya.
Semalam, Ketua Pemuda Umno, Khairy Jamaluddin Abu Bakar menggesa semua pihak berhenti dari menuding jari dan memainkan isu perkauman selepas PRU13, yang jelas merujuk kepada kenyataan Najib itu.
Khairy meminta semua pihak bertenang dan sesiapa pun tidak harus lekas membuat kesimpulan dan menyalahkan sesuatu kaum.
Ahli Parlimen Rembau itu menegaskan bahawa bukan bangsa Cina sahaja yang memihak kepada pembangkang, perubahan juga berlaku di kawasan-kawasan bandar.
Ahli Majlis Tertinggi Umno, Datuk Saifuddin Abdullah yang tewas di Parlimen Temerloh menggesa rakyat supaya menjauhi dari bersikap rasis berhubung keputusan PRU13 dan beliau yakin rakyat tidak mengundi berdasarkan sentimen perkauman.
Beliau yang juga bekas Timbalan Menteri Pengajian Tinggi berkata, rakyat sebaliknya mengundi berdasarkan prospek pembangunan seperti isu-isu utama seperti insfrastruktur dan kebajikan.
Saifuddin berkata, walaupun beliau tewas di kawasan majoriti Cina tetapi para pengundi bukannya anti Melayu dan sama ada mereka mengundinya (Saifuddin) atau tidak, rakyat telah membuat pilihan yang bijak.
Apa lagi Cina mahu
Ketika diasak oleh para wartawan mengenai apa komen beliau tentang tajuk muka hadapan akhbar Utusan Malaysia bertajuk "Apa lagi Cina mahu" Selasa lalu, Najib cuba mengelak dan menyatakan anda patut lihat apa kata akhbar-akhbar Cina pula, apa yang dilaporkan bukannya semua betul.
Kenyataan Najib yang berbaur perkauman ini adalah satu percubaan untuk menyalahkan orang-orang Cina yang ramai sudah beralih dan menyokong Pakatan Rakyat pada PRU13 dan beliau enggan menyalahkan diri sendiri maupun partinya, Umno-BN.
Mungkin kerana sudah menyedari akan kesilapannya, semalam Najib melalui Twitternya berkata, tugas beliau seterusnya adalah untuk mengharmonikan isu perkauman.
"Tugas saya seterusnya ialah mengharmonikan isu-isu perkauman. Kami perlu mendekati lain-lainnya dalam penyatuan nasional dan kesederhanaan," katanya.
Tetapi beliau tidak dapat menerima kenyataan bahawa bukan sahaja masyarakat Cina menolak kepimpinannya tetapi orang-orang Melayu dan masyarakat India terutama di bandar secara keseluruhan sudah menolak Umno-BN.
Jika diambil kira jumlah undi untuk Parlimen dan kerusi Dewan Undangan Negeri (DUN) ternyata BN telah tewas dalam PRU13. Untuk 222 kerusi Parlimen, Pakatan Rakyat memperolehi 5,623,984 undi manakala BN memperoleh 5,237,699 undi.
Untuk 505 kerusi DUN pula, Pakatan Rakyat memperoleh 4,879,699 undi manakala BN memperoleh 4,513,997 undi.
Prestasi BN di bawah Najib juga merudum teruk berbanding prestasi BN pada PRU12 di bawah Abdullah Badawi. Semasa Pak Lah BN memenangi 140 kerusi parlimen dan semasa Najib BN mendapat 133 kerusi iaitu kehilangan sebanyak tujuh kerusi Parlimen.
Ini berbanding dengan Pakatan Rakyat yang mendapat 82 kerusi Parlimen pada 2008, telah meningkat kepada 89 kerusi pada 2013; penambahan sebanyak tujuh kerusi.
Untuk kerusi DUN pula, semasa Pak Lah, BN memenangi 344 kerusi DUN tetapi semasa Najib, jumlah kerusi DUN yang dimenangi BN merosot teruk; tinggal hanya 275 kerusi.
Berbanding dengan prestasi Pakatan Rakyat, kerusi DUN yang dimenangi pada tahun 2008 ialah sebanyak 161 kerusi dan meningkat kepada 230 kerusi pada PRU13, pertambahan sebanyak 71 kerusi. -FMT
Posted: 09 May 2013 02:33 AM PDT
COMMENT The recently completed May 5 general election (GE13) revealed some interesting facts and figures based on the results as published by the Election Commission.
There have been, for a long time, much criticism of the 'first past the post' (FPTP) election system we practise in Malaysia, because of what is inherent in this antiquated system.
The FPTP is one of the legacies of the British rule in Malaya and was based on giving all segments of the populace a voice in Parliament. Hence, constituency boundaries were drawn based on this segmental need for representation.
The original intention was noble indeed, that people in Sungai Buloh should have a voice in Parliament, just as those from Shah Alam, even though the Shah Alam constituency may have a population five times larger.
To prevent abuse and disproportional representation, certain limits were set when our founding fathers drew up the federal constitution. One important feature was that there should not be a population variance greater than 20 percent between the smallest and largest constituencies.
This safeguard was gradually eroded by successive ruling governments, since they enjoyed two-thirds majority Parliament to amend the country's laws, until this sanity check on societal representation was totally removed.
As a result of this, today we have 26,000 voters in Putrajaya, Igan (18,000) and Lubok Antu (19,000) commanding the same parliamentary voice as those in Kapar (144,000), Serdang (133,000) and Gombak (123,000).
This hardly seems fair when three small zones command an equal representation in Parliament, compared with their brethren who are at least five times larger, at least from the perspective of a majority rule.
Criticism of such disproportionate representation led to some countries, such as New Zealand, Australia and Israel, modifying their electoral constituencies to be more representative and hence, the FPTP no longer applies in toto in these countries.
In a related example, besides throwing 90,000 tonnes of tea into the Atlantic Ocean, a new country was born some 237 years ago simply because its 'rakyat' couldn't accept taxation without representation. One can draw similar parallels, if this inequitable scenario was to ensue here in Malaysia.
The greatest disservice of this FPTP system was shown clearly in Malaysia in GE13 when 915,560 voters in East Malaysia sent 48 BN candidates to our Parliament, or simply put, the average vote cost per BN lawmaker was 19,074.
Because of the severe skewering (aka gerrymandering) of the constituency delineations, it cost an average of 84,053 votes to get one Pakatan Rakyat MP in East Malaysia, or 4.4 times more expensive.
What this means is that unless the present delineation boundaries are redrawn to fix this severe misrepresentation of societal voice, any opposition will need about 60 percent of the national votes to be on par with BN come election time, forever.
Here, I dare opine that GE13 was largely won by BN by capitalising on the severely disproportional FPTP system, rather than on phantom voters, repeat voters and such. Several jumbo jets full of Bangladeshis, Burmese and Nepalese could not have caused the damage to Pakatan as done by this antiquated Westminster delineation system.
From a strategic point, there should have been more focus in the territories where the opposition could have got more "bang for its ringgit" (pun intended) because the voter distribution and pattern (based on past election results) would have been known upfront anyway.
Admittedly, getting Pakatan's voice to the people in the jungles of Borneo would have been a Herculean task, given the physical and political hurdles.
However, mathematically speaking, if Pakatan had won the same number of seats from the 915,560 voters and maintained the same results in the peninsula, it would be firmly in power now.
Perhaps that's the reason why the BN is believed to have chartered several flights to carry voters from the peninsula to Sabah and Sarawak. I'm inclined to believe that the BN knew, from day one, that this was how it would win GE13.
Some interesting facts
Based on the Election Commission website, let me highlight these other interesting facts from the FPTP vis-à-vis GE13:
1) BN received 46.2 percent of the popular votes in Peninsular Malaysia and 54 percent in East Malaysia, or a national average of 47.4 percent.
2) Based on this, BN was able to garner almost 51 percent of the parliamentary seats in the peninsula and 87.3 percent of those in Sabah and Sarawak, for a national average of 60 percent, or 133 seats.
3) Interestingly, 8.2 percent of the voters (in Sabah and Sarawak) gave BN 22 percent of the parliamentary seats, meaning 39.2 percent of the voters (in the peninsula) gave it the remaining 38 percent in Parliament.
4) Pakatan received 54 percent of the popular votes in Peninsular Malaysia and 35 percent in East Malaysia, for a national average of 51 percent.
5) Based on the above, Pakatan was only able to garner 49 percent of the parliamentary seats in the peninsula and 12.7 percent of that in Sabah and Sarawak, for a national average of 40 percent, or 89 seats.
6) It cost Pakatan 21 percent and 441 percent more votes per MP in the peninsula and East Malaysia respectively, to be on par with BN. On average nationally, Pakatan had to work 60 percent harder per MP than the BN.
7) Because they only formed 29.8 percent of the voters in GE13, contrary to the "Chinese tsunami" conspiracy theory, even if 100 percent of Chinese Malaysians (and for good measure, let's also throw in 100 percent of Indian Malaysians as well) voted for the opposition, there is no way Pakatan could have logically garnered the support of 5,623,984 Malaysians.
Conservatively adjusting for a 25 percent Chinese support for MCA and Gerakan (as was seen where there was a large Chinese voter base), at least three million voters therein were Malay/bumiputera.
This means, conservatively, 42 percent of the Malay/bumiputera electorate in Malaysia actually voted for Pakatan nationally. To put this into proper context, there was no such Chinese tsunami but instead, it was a Malay/bumiputera tsunami because 56 percent of the opposition's votes actually came from the Malays/bumiputera.
For Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak to have made this arithmetic blunder publicly was totally ill-advised and it has now caused needless uneasiness among the rakyat.
8) Finally, as explained earlier, 915,560 people, who are basically very removed from urban and national politicking, more or less sealed the fate of 11,054,577 voters or about 29 million people in Malaysia – thanks to the FPTP system.
Seriously and practically speaking, would anybody consider 3.2 percent (915,560) of Malaysians deciding the future of the country a fair run of democracy under the FPTP voting system?
Without a concerted effort from our MPs to make our country fairer by insisting on equitable representation in Parliament, it will indeed be very difficult for Najib to ask for national reconciliation when the very premise of his assertion was fundamentally flawed.
If you don't know what's broken, how can you fix it?
DATO RAMESH RAJARATNAM is a chartered accountant and a keen follower of Malaysian politics.
Posted: 09 May 2013 02:11 AM PDT
Posted: 09 May 2013 02:02 AM PDT
အေသခံဗုံးခြဲျခင္း (Suicide Bombing) (သို႕) အေသခံတိုက္ခိုက္ျခင္း (Suicide Attack)
ယေန႕ေခတ္ ယေန႕ကမာၻတြင္ အေသခံဗုံးခြဲျခင္း (Suicide Bombing) (သို႕)
အစၥလာမ္ သာသနာ သည္ အျပစ္မဲ့လူသားတို႕ အား မည္သည့္နည္းႏွင့္မဆို
ကုရ္အာန္က်မ္း (၅း၃၂) ၏ အပိုဒ္တစ္ပိုဒ္ျဖစ္သည္။
ဧကန္စင္စစ္ မည္သူမဆုိ အၾကင္သူတစ္ဦးတစ္ေယာက္အား အသက္
ကုရ္အာန္က်မ္း (၆း၁၅၁) တြင္…….
၎ျပင္ အသင္တုိ႔သည္ အလႅာဟ္္အရွင္ျမတ္က (သတ္ျဖတ္ျခင္းမျပဳရန္)
ကုရ္အာန္က်မ္း (၁၇း၃၃) ၌လည္း……
၎ျပင္ အသင္တုိ႔သည္ အလႅာဟ္္အရွင္ျမတ္က တားျမစ္ပညတ္ထား
အထက္ပါ က်မ္းပိုဒ္မ်ားကို ေလ့လာၾကည့္ပါက….
အစၥလာမ္ သာသနာဝင္ မြတ္စ္လင္မ္တို႕ အေနျဖင့္ လူသား တို႔အားမဆိုထား
ယခုဆက္လက္၍ အေသခံတိုက္ခိုက္သည့္ အေၾကာင္း ေရးသားပါမည္။
မိမိကိုယ္ကိုဆုံးစီရင္၍ အျပစ္မဲ့တို႕အား ေသေၾကပ်က္စီးေစျခင္းကို ဘာသာ
မ်ားစြာေသာသူတို႕ က မြတ္စ္လင္မ္ တို႕သည္ အေသခံဗုံးခြဲျခင္း (သို႕) အေသခံ
အကယ္၍….အီရတ္ ႏိုင္ငံအား ဝင္ေရာက္ က်ဴးေက်ာ္တိုက္ခိုက္ေသာ ႏိုင္ငံျခားတပ္
သို႕ေသာ္…..တစ္ဖက္သတ္ မတရားဖိႏွိပ္အႏိုင္က်င့္ ခံေနရပါက ရရာနည္းလမ္းကို
ေလာကတြင္ မည္သူမွားသည္ျဖစ္ေစ၊ မြတ္စ္လင္မ္ ဟူသည္ကားအမိုက္ဖက္ျပိဳင္၍
Posted: 09 May 2013 12:41 AM PDT
အင္တာနက္ လူမႈကြန္ရက္မ်ားတြင္ လႈံ႔ေဆာ္ေရးသားသူမ်ားကို အစိုးရအေနျဖင့္ အေရးယူသင့္ေၾကာင္း အေမရိကန္စင္တာတြင္ ေမ ၈ ရက္ ညေနက က်င္းပေသာ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ခြင့္ (Freedom of Expression) ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲတြင္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဆိုင္ရာ အေမရိကန္သံအမတ္ Derek Mitchell က ေျပာသည္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ ရခုိင္ပဋိပကၡႏွင့္ မိတၳီလာ ပဋိပကၡမ်ားတြင္ လူမႈကြန္ရက္ စာမ်က္ႏွာမ်ားမွတစ္ဆင့္ ဘာသာႏွစ္ခုအၾကား လႈံ႕ေဆာ္မႈမ်ား ရွိခဲ့ၿပီး အဆိုပါ လံႈ႕ေဆာ္မႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ပဋိပကၡမ်ား ပိုမိုျဖစ္ပြားကာ အသက္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ေသဆံုးျခင္း၊ ထိခိုက္ဒဏ္ရာ ရျခင္းမ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚခဲ့ရသည္။ ထုိသုိ႔ လံႈ႕ေဆာ္မႈမ်ားထဲတြင္ လူထုေမာင္ကာဠဳ၊ Oppositeyes၊ Myanmar Express၊ We Love True၊ MMN ႏွင့္ ပေလတိုဒီမိုတို႔ ပါ၀င္ေနေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
(Note EMG group is also involved in anti-Rohingya propaganda)
အဆိုပါ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲတြင္ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ခြင့္၏ သေဘာသဘာ၀၊ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရွိ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ခြင့္ အေျခအေနမ်ား၊ မီဒီယာ လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္မ်ား၊ ဆင္ဆာတည္းျဖတ္မႈမ်ား၊ လူမႈကြန္ရက္မ်ားတြင္ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ခြင့္အေပၚ အလြဲသံုးစားျပဳကာ ေရးသားေနမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၾကသည္။
စာေရးဆရာ ေဖျမင့္ႏွင့္ ဘေလာ့ဂါ ေနဘုန္းလတ္တို႔ကမူ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရွိ အခ်ိဳ႕ေသာ ဥပေဒမ်ားသည္ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ခြင့္အေပၚ ကန္႔သတ္ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္ေနသည္ဟု ေျပာသည္။ ဆက္လက္၍ ဘေလာ့ဂါ Pandora မွလည္း လြတ္လပ္စြာ ထုတ္ေဖာ္မႈသာမက လံုျခံဳစိတ္ခ်ရမႈကိုလည္း ဖန္တီးေပးရန္၊ ဆင္ဆာတည္းျဖတ္မႈ ေလ်ာ့ပါးလာသည့္ေနာက္ မဆင္မျခင္ ေရးသားမႈမ်ားကို ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ အေရးယူရန္ႏွင့္ မိမိေရးသားသည့္အေပၚ
ထို႔အျပင္ အေမရိကန္သံ႐ံုး၏ လူထုအကူအညီေပးေရး လက္ေထာက္အရာရွိ Michael D. Quinlan က အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံတြင္လည္း ၁၉၇၀ အေစာပိုင္း ႏွစ္မ်ားအထိ ႐ုပ္ရွင္ဆင္ဆာစနစ္ က်င့္သံုးခဲ့ေၾကာင္း၊ သို႔ရာတြင္ ၁၉၇၀ ေႏွာင္းပိုင္းႏွစ္မ်ားတြင္ ၄င္းအားဖ်က္သိမ္း၍ လမ္းညႊန္မႈႏွင့္ ကန္႔သတ္ခ်က္ အခ်ဳိ႕သာ ထားရွိခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။ ဆက္လက္ျပီး၄င္းက ဆင္ဆာတည္းျဖတ္မည့္အစား တာ၀န္ယူမႈ မရွိသူမ်ားအား တရားစြဲဆိုသည့္ နည္းလမ္းကိုသာ က်င့္သံုးသင့္ေၾကာင္းလည္း ထည့္သြင္း ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။
"လြတ္လပ္စြာ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ခြင့္ကို ဥပေဒကေန သတ္မွတ္ေပးရမယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ တရားစီရင္ေရး မ႑ိဳင္က ျပန္လည္ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ ထိန္းသိမ္းေပးရမယ္။ ဥပမာ လူမ်ဳိးေရး၊ ဘာသာေရး အဓိက႐ုဏ္း ျဖစ္ေပၚႏိုင္တဲ့ ေရးသားေျပာဆိုမႈမ်ဳိးေတြ၊ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေရး ပုတ္ခတ္မႈေတြ၊ အသေရဖ်က္မႈေတြဆိုရင္ လက္ခံလို႔ မျဖစ္ပါဘူး" ဟု Michael D. Quinlan ကေျပာသည္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဆိုင္ရာ အေမရိကန္သံအမတ္ Derek Mitchell ကပင္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ လြတ္လပ္ျပီး တာ၀န္သိေသာ သတင္းမီဒီယာမ်ား ေပၚထြက္ရန္ လိုအပ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာသည္။
"ကိုယ့္ရဲ႕အျမင္ကို ထုတ္ေဖာ္တဲ့ နည္းလမ္းေတြ အမ်ားၾကီး ရွိပါတယ္။ အခ်ဳိ႕က ပန္းခ်ီနဲ႔ ေဖာ္ျပတယ္။ အခ်ဳိ႕က ကာတြန္းနဲ႔ ေဖာ္ျပတယ္။ အခ်ဳိ႕က စာေရးသားျပီး ေဖာ္ျပၾကတယ္။ ဒီလိုေဖာ္ထုတ္ခြင့္ေတြ မေပ်ာက္ပ်က္ေအာင္ ကာကြယ္ရပါမယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ မိမိကိုယ္ပိုင္ အျမင္ကို ေဖာ္ျပႏိုင္တဲ့ ေခတ္သစ္တစ္ခုကို ေရာက္ရွိလို႔ ေနပါၿပီ။ ဒါဟာ ဒီမိုကေရစီရဲ႕ ျပယုဂ္တစ္ခုပါပဲ" ဟု ၎ကေျပာသည္။
ဆြးေႏြးပြဲသို႔ စိတ္၀င္စားသူ ေက်ာင္းသားဦးေရ ၃၀၀ ေက်ာ္ခန္႔ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့ၿပီး တက္ေရာက္လာသူ လူငယ္မ်ားမွ လူမႈကြန္ရက္မ်ားတြင္ မဆင္မျခင္ ေရးသားမႈမ်ား၊ ဘာသာေရး လူမ်ဳိးေရး အဓိက႐ုဏ္း ျဖစ္ေစရန္ ေရးသားမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ေဆြးေႏြးခ်က္မ်ားအား ပင္တိုင္ေဆြးေႏြးသူမ်ားမွ ျပန္လည္ေဆြးေႏြးခ့ဲၾကသည္။
လူမႈကြန္ရက္မ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ Derek Mitchell က "အင္တာနက္ေပၚမွာ ကိုယ္ေရးအခ်က္အလက္ အမွန္မဟုတ္ဘဲနဲ႔ လိမ္လည္သံုးစြဲသူေတြဟာ တာ၀န္ယူမႈ ကင္းမဲ့ျပီး ျပႆနာေတြ ၾကီးထြားေအာင္ လႈ႔ံေဆာ္တတ္ၾကတယ္။ အစိုးရအေနနဲ႔ ဒီလိုလႈံ႕ေဆာ္တဲ့ သူေတြကို အေရးယူဖို႔ လိုအပ္တယ္" ဟု ေျပာသည္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ ရခုိင္ပဋိပကၡႏွင့္ မိတၳီလာ ပဋိပကၡမ်ားတြင္ လူမႈကြန္ရက္ စာမ်က္ႏွာမ်ားမွတစ္ဆင့္ ဘာသာႏွစ္ခုအၾကား လႈံ႕ေဆာ္မႈမ်ား ရွိခဲ့ၿပီး အဆိုပါ လံႈ႕ေဆာ္မႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ပဋိပကၡမ်ား ပိုမိုျဖစ္ပြားကာ အသက္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ေသဆံုးျခင္း၊ ထိခိုက္ဒဏ္ရာ ရျခင္းမ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚခဲ့ရသည္။ ထုိသုိ႔ လံႈ႕ေဆာ္မႈမ်ားထဲတြင္ လူထုေမာင္ကာဠဳ၊ Oppositeyes၊ Myanmar Express၊ We Love True၊ MMN ႏွင့္ ပေလတိုဒီမိုတို႔ ပါ၀င္ေနေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
Posted: 08 May 2013 09:45 PM PDT
News / Asia
Malaysians Defy Police, Rally Against Election Loss
attend a rally in protest of Sunday's election result at a stadium in
Kelana Jaya, outside Kuala Lumpur, May 8, 2013.
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